Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 24, No. 39, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 29, 1904 Page: 1 of 8
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SOVTHERN MERCVR
Vol. XXIV. No. 39
Dallas* Texas, Thursday September 29« 1904
$li
Tom Watson in Houston.
Fires a Broadside into the Political Parties in their Stronghold in Texas.
appeal to the honest voters to consider the value of their oalots.
On Tuesday night last, Hon. Thos. E. Watson, the People's Champion, addressed a
large and appreciative audience at Turner Hall, in Houston. Though he was so indisposed
that he was compelled to stay in his room all day, he was on deck at the appointed hovr
and gave lo the people of Houston such a speech as had not been heard in that city since
the days of Sam Houston.
Mr. Watson spoke as follows:
never vote for Parker. After training
with them for eight years, he left
them without saying they were wrong.
If I were a gold democrat 1 would not
support Parker. He does not even
now say that the gold standard is
right. He merely says that it is
"fixed." And if 1 were a republican I
shouldn't vote for Parker. I should
despise the imitation aud vote for the
genuine thing.
For the last eight years the demo-
cratic leaders have been clamoring in
, their platforms for a graduated in-
| come tax, which relieves the poor of
■ excessive burdens and compels the
them during the campaign, and waited
for things to happen. Things were not
slow in beginning to happen. Secret
campaign pledges began to come up.
One virtuous but ambitions citizen had
paid $50,000 to the campaign fund
upon the promise that he should be
appointed minister to Italy. Cleveland
promptly appointed him. The sugar
trust had put nearly a million dollars
into the campaign. Havemeyer went
to Washington to get his. reward. He
got it. To prevent all possible mis-
takes upon the subject, Cleveland's
secretary of the treasury wrote the
sugar schedule just as the trust want-
To every voter his ballot should be
Bacred. It is not only the bloodless
weapon with which he must defend
bis civil, constitutional liberty; not
.only his individual expression of polit-
ical opinion as to the men and the
measures which shall rule the land,
but it is a trust delegated to him by
the hero-martyrs of the long struggle
for freedom. From out the past
comes the voice of those heroes say-
ing, "I won for you that ballot, that
franchise, by paying the price of toil
and sacrifice and blood; I wrested it
from tyrants who were oppressing hu-
manity. I fought for it and died for
it. in order that you, the plain citizen,
the common man, might have voice
and vote in the making of the laws
upon which your prosperity and your
liberty depend." Use that ballot in
a spirit of consecration. Be worthy
of the heroes who won it for you.
Don't betray the sacred trust. Con-
eult your reason before you vote. Let
your heart go with your hand when
you vote. Do that, and no matter who
gets your support it will come to him
in the spirit which patriot statesmen
always contemplated when they gave
you the right of self-government. Cast
that ballot in any other way, with any
other motive—prejudice, passion, blind
obedience to party—and you will
have done that which makes the po-
litical student despair of government
by the people; that which shows you
to be unfit to exercise the trust com-
mitted to your hands by the heroic
men of the past; that which lowers
you as a man, injures your neighbor
as it does yourself, and weakens the
lines of those who strive upward for
better laws, . better rulers, happier
bomes.
Voters! Tit tjjis yftar of srace, 1904,
for Gods' sake, for the sake of your-
selves, your children, your country,
consider, consider, consider, before
you vote!
A Political Party Defined.
A political party has no right to ex-
ist, has no right to the support of in-
telligent, honest men, unless that par-
ty is in fact a combination of men
(who hold the same opinions, have a
common purpose, and who seek to
unite their individual strength in or-
der that the common purpose may be
enacted into law. Any organization
in the body politic which can not be
measured by this standard, has no le-
gitimate right to be considered a po-
litical party. Unless it has a creed
,whlch can be put into plain words
Which the average man can under-
stand; unless it has a common pur-
pose, to the accomplishment of which
it can move with unity of action—a
purpose which it is able and willing
to proclaim to all the world—it has no
moral right to exist. If it is a mere
conglomeration of frazzled, discredit-
ed, self-seeking political odds and
ends, it will amount to nothing on
earth but a scramble of the outs to
displace the ins.
If it should so happen that there
were no burning questions agitating
the people, no wrongs to be redressed,
no abuses to be reformed, then it
might interest the voter to select the
boneste8t, ablest men, and he might
,vote for that reason alone for nomi-
nees who had been tried and found
true, rather than for those who had
been tried and found wanting. But if,
as in 1904, there are principles at
Stake which overshadow any mere per-
sonal preferences, if there are wrongs
and abuses which threaten the very
life of the republic, then every voter
owes It to himself to ask, which of the
political parties now in the field
stands for those convictions which are
nearest the heart?
A Vital Question.
A simple question, a vital question,
ft question which goes to the very bot-
tom of the situation. It must be
asked; it should be answered.
Before you vote, compel the candi-
dates to speak out like honest men, so
that you can vote your honest convic-
tions. And remember this; The only
ballot which is ever "thrown away" is
the ballot which violates your sense of
right. Every vote which runs counter
to the sincere opinions of the voter is
a prostituted ballot; is a traitor to the
cause of good government; is an
apostate from principle; is a political
leper, which ought to stand forth in
the highway and cry, "Unclean! Un-
clean!"
In every speech which I have made
In this campaign I have declared my
nndylng hostility to the Hamiltonlan
principles represented by Theodore
Roosevelt and the republican party.
For the last fourteen years I have been
doing the same thing. In every book
which has been written by me there
lives as earnest a spirit of Jeffersonian
democracy as can be found in the li-
braries of the world. My position to-
day is absolutely consistent with what
it waa In 1896, or in the year 1900. I
challenge any man to prove the state'
uatnie. For the holding of these
1 have been made to suffer;
but I was ready to suffer for them, and
am ready to do so again.
Opposes Republican Principles.
Once more I now proclaim that the
principles and policies of the repub-
lican party have no enemy more in-
veterate and uncompromising than
myself. If you will pardon me for al-
luding to my owu book, I will say that
in my "Life and Times of Thomas
Jefferson" the doctrines of Hamilton
and the literary assaults of Roosevelt
and Lodge and other republican au-
thors upon the South and upon the
Southern statesmen of the Jefferso-
nian school are repelled with all the
force at my command.
From my head to my heels—in my
heart and my conscience, in sympathy,
and in mental conviction, I am a Jef-
fersonian democrat! Never have I
been anything else. From 1890 up to
the present hour my life has been an
open book to the public. I challenge
all the legions of envy, hatred and
malice to find a single sentence in any
speech, a single line in any of my
writings, a single vote in congress, a
single act, or word, or thought of mine
that was not absolutely in line with
Jeffersonian democracy.
Jones—The Arkansas Ass.
Senator James K. Jones of Arkan-
sas, so I am told, found his voice a few
days ago and spoke his little piece in
the New York W<yld. The people's
party, says Jones, is working for the
lepublicans. If there is any one man
whom the public would heartily for-
give for keeping his mouth shut at this
particular time it is Jones of Arkan-
sas! Among all the asinine_ blunder-
ers who butchered Bryan's campaign
in 1896, the Saul of the whole lot, the
great, hulking booby who towered
head and shoulders above all the oth-
erer boobies, was Jones of Arkansas.
In that memorable year of 1896 the
democratic senatorial visitor to our
St. Louis convention who was most
ready to mortgage the battered demo-
cratic machine for populist votes, was
Jones of Arkansas. It being a vital ne-
cessity to Bryan to poll the full pop-
ulist vote, only a blundering political
dromedary could have stumbled into
the meshes of inevitable defeat by
openly insulting the populist voters;
and the insensate camel who did that
particular thing "at the psychological
moment," was Jones of Arkansas.
"The populists can go to the niggers,
where they belong," said Jones of Ar-
kansas, and he killed a campaign
which in the hands of a manager with
a thimbleful of gray matter, would
have been a brilliant success.
Talk about helping the republicans!
Never in this generation will any man
play into their hands as was done in
1896 by Jones of Arkansas.
Democracy's Burchard.
The republican party had its Bur-
chard, but he was an accident; he just
happened along at the critical time,
and while he was an ass, there was no
particular mark, brand or distinguish-
ing trait about his assininity. He was
an ass—and that ends the story. And
the beauty about Burchard was that
he knew his place on the catalog, and
having been duly tolk what kind of an
animal he was, he wont oft into de-
cent, permanent, almost respectable
desuetude. But in Jones of Arkansas
the democratic party owns a great
National donkey who does not know
that he is a donkey; who never real-
izes that his bray differs in melody
from Schubert's "Serenade," and who
can not be made to see that his ears
are more prominent than his head.
Burchard, who killed Blaine In 1884,
was a mere cup of water; emptied at
the right time, he managed to put out
the fire—that one time. Then the cup
was empty ever more. But Jones of
Arkansas is a fountain, a perennial
stream; "Men may come and men may
go," but Jones "goes on forever." He
put out the fire in 1896; he did it
again in T900; he is doing it again
now. Bully for Jones! Mark Hanna
must have loved him! If there is any
one man in the country who ought to
hold a warm place in the affections of j
the republicans, that man is Jones of
Arkansas. As a grave-digger for dem-
ocratic presidential candidates, he is
absolutely without a peer—is this
heavy, vapid, pretentious, cumber-
some, imbecile, Jones of Arkansas.
Reason for a Third Party.
What do we care about this talk of
"drawing votes from Parker?" A third
party has no excuse for existence ex-
cept upon the idea .that both the two
old parties are wrong. A third party
iu a protest against both, a combat
against both. A third party is neces-
sarily a two-edged sword, cutting both
ways. In one campaign ft may hurt
democrats the most; in the next the
republicans. That result Is merely the
accident of war. We have nothing to
do with that. It is our business to hew
to the line, let the chips fall where
they may. -if our campaign hurts the
democrats most this year, that is not
our fault. It is the fault of Jones and
all the others who sold out the princi-
ples of democracy to Wall street at
St. Louis. Had Jones and his crowd
readopted the Omaha platform, or'
something similar, and the nominated
some sucn real democrat as Hearst or
Bryan, the people's party could not
have done business in 1904 at all. It
was the astounding betrayal of demo-
cratic principles by Jones, Hill & Co.
which gave the People's-party the op-
portunity to renew the fight for Jeffer-
sonian democracy. Inasmuch as we
are now advocating the same princi-
ples which Bryan democrats advocated
for eight years, it seems a little hard
that we should be abused as "assistant
republicans." If anybody has sold not,
it would be reasonable to suppose
that it was the crowd who dropped
their principles. We have not dropped
ours. The true reason why Jones &
Co. are so enraged is that they now
realize that they committed a fatal
blunder when they took it for granted
that Jeffersonian principles were dead.
Having no convictions themselves,
they assumed that others hand none,
and that there would be nobody to re-
sist the delivery of the democratic
masses into the hands of Wall street
corporations.
What the People Want.
In this campaign ot 1904, what is it
the people demand? Do those who
oppose Mr. Roosevelt want a change
in men only, or do they want a change
in measures? Do they demand a bet-
ter system of taxation? Do they want
better laws of distribution. Is the
transportation system wrong? Has
the tyranny of the corporations be-
come unbearable? Is there child
slavery in the mills and shops which
demands reform? Does class legisla-
tion concentrate into the hands of a
few the weath and the power of the
Republic? Has special privilege be-
come a curse to the land? Are the
people losing control of tbeir own gov-
ernment? Ib labor deprived of its just
reward? These are the questions In
the campaign. I believe 1 utter ibe
sentiments of three fourths of the
American when I say that each one of
these questions can be answered,
"Yes,." Abuses do exist, and reforms
must be had.
The Republican Party Will Never Give
the Relief Desired.
Does any sensible citizen expect
these reforms from the republicans?
Responsible as it Is for the systems
we have, they boldly declare that con-
ditions are satisfactory and shall not
be changed. They stand pat. Not
timidly, not doubtfully, but boldly, ag-
gressively the assure us that, present
conditions are satisfactory and shall
be maintained. In thp republican par-
ty, therefore, we recognize the open
enemy, defying us to combat. We ac-
cept the challenge, and we do.combat
them all along the line. We combat
their principles. We make war upon
their measures. We seek to under-
mine the very foundations upon which
they have reared their citadel. We
want to breach the wall and drive out
the Hamiltonians—the men as well as
the measures.
What is it that the National demo-
cratic party is trying to do? They
seek to change the men without chang-
ing the measures. They want to put
Roosevelt out, but they are willing to
leave undisturbed the laws which he
believes in. They want to get rid of
the man, but not of the measures.
The People's party seeks to get rid of
both the men and the measures.
Where Parker Stands.
Wherein does Parker's attitude, as
defined by himself, differ, in principle,
from that of Roosevelt? He has not as
yet been able to say. Jefferson was
able and willing to tell the people
wherein he differed from the Feder-
alists of his day. Andrew Jackson was
able and willing to state the differ-
ences between himself and his oppo-
nents. Lincoln could explain and did
explain wherein he differed from
Douglass. Bryan was ready at all
times and places to tell at some length
the differences between himself and
McKinley. Why is it that Parker can
not take the American people by the
ear and explain in short, simple, one-
sided, firm-footed words wherein he
differs from Roosevelt in principle?
What act of commission on the part of
Theodore does Alton B. condemn?
What act of omission* does he deplore?
What will he do that Theodore did
not do? What will he leave undone
that Theodore has done? Tell us now!
8loshes Back and Forth.
Parker and Hill neatly manipulated
the St. Louis convention until the nom-
ination was safe and could not be re-
called. Then came the Wall street
pressure and the Wall street telegram.
For eight years Parker had voted the
free silver ticket without saying that
it was right. Then he declared the
gold standard to be irrevocably fixed,
without saying that it was right. The
words right and wrong seem to have
no place In the political philosophy of
Alton B. He sloshes back and forth
upon the waves of partisan manipula-
tion, just like any other little apple.
He may think that he swims; the
facts prove that he merely floats.
Why Bryan Democrats Should Net
Vote for Parker.
If I were a Bryan democrat 1 would
corporations and the millionaires to | ed it. The McKinley act, "the culml
contribute something to the support of ] nating atrocity of class legislation,"
the government which fosters them, i had only given the sugar trust one-
That demand has been dropped from ' eighth of a cent per pound protection,
the democratic platform. In the name | The democratic tariff gave them near-
of common justice and decency, why
was it dropped? It was Jeffersonian
it was right. They themselves have
exhausted the language of advocacy in
ly three-fourths of a cent per pound
Increased the People's Burdens.
Iu the "culminating atrocity" raw
sugar came in free. In the democratic
: the support of that tax. Why did they j tariff a tax of $45,000,000 was put upon
: stultify themselves upon this pro-jit. With solemn pledges yet fresh on
Ifoundly important question? Because their lips the unscrupulous politicians
Wall street corporations do not want uho had promised to relieves the poor
j 'he income tax; and Wail street cor- from the burdens of the McKinley
. potations have bought up the demo-i act, doubled the tax on molasses. But
! cratic leaders who bossed the St. Lou-! why linger over this chapter of shame?
; is convention. Iu their platforms for , The faithless democrats fed the trusts
I the last eight years the National dem- and the corporations at the expense of
locracy has carried a demand for the!the people, just as the republicans
j abolition of National banks. That de-Iliad done. The form of the law was
mand was good Jeffersonian democra-
cy. It was so in the time of Jefferson;
changed, but not its spirit nor its ef-
fects. The rich were made richer, and
i.
, In the glory mtit :
the every man at his
ing to the last!" -
Campaign Will Not
lions, one of the "criminal trusts T"
Oh, for heaven's sake, give us
names of the "criminal trusts!" Do it
now!
Hides Behind the "Nigger" Question.
Ah, but they say there Is a great
difference between Roosevelt and Par-
ker on the negro question. If so, It
ought to be capable of clear, definite,
posiltive statement. And Parker Is
the man to state it. Not you, Mr.
Editor; your word binds nobody, not;Our reforms must be^nutTn or
even yourself. Not you. Mr. Spell- The tyrannical rule of the <
binder. Your irresponsibility is ap-1 tions must be overthrown. Je
parent even to yourself. Parker Is the | ian democracy must be made sup.,
man to speak. Let him say wherein i Popular sovereignty must again
he differs from Roosevelt on the ne- crowned—the only monarch before
gro question. Will he not consent to whose throne the American people
Let no man
close with the
will have just
stop, can not t
til our purpose is
principles must be
eat in the same ropm with -Booker
Washington, as both Roosevelt and
Cleveland have done? Will he not ap-
point negroes to office, as both Roose-
velt and Cleveland have done? Will
he not receive respectable negroes at
the White House, as both Roosevelt
and Cleveland has done? Has he op-
posed the mixed school In New York
any more than Roosevelt and Cleve-
land opposed them? And when Par-
kor accepts a gift from a negro, as ho
will ever consent to bend the knee
without angry discontent and a <mmF
stant fierce desire to throw off the
yoke.
Our Purpose Manly. -
The purpose which inspires us la
one which no good man aiiould con-
demn, no Just man oppose, no patriot
distrust; It is a cause for which '>ny
pure woman can pray, and brave man
die. We are not split up and pulled
in opposite directions by difference of
did from James A. Ross, will he con- 'opinion. In conviction we are all alike,
tinue to address that negro, in his let- j lu purpose we all agree. The
ter of acknolwedgmont, as he ad- j yard-stick measures the populist or-
dressed Ross, My Dear Sir?" Does j erywhere, for our party was basev
any white man use that style of ad-1 upon political education. Come with
dress, save in writing to a social : us! We deserve your confidence. Our
(it was so in the time of Andrew Jack-1 the poor made poorer, Just as the bulk
json. In the platform of 1904 that de- Jof the present lawmaking tends to do.
mand has been dropped. Why? Be
[ cause National bankers, like Belmont,
are now in full control of the demo-
cratic party, and they are human
!enough not to make war upon their
own powers, profits and special privi-
leges.
Parkerites Favor Child Labor and Op-
pose Income Tax.
In the democratic National plat-
form of 1892 there is a declaration in
favor of the abolition of child labor
in factories where the child is under
the age of fifteen years. That de-
mand was good democracy, in that it
was good humanity. It was a recog-
nition of the duty which society owes
to its helpless members to protect
them. In the platform of 1904 that de-
mand has been dropped. Why? Be-
cause the millionaires who control the
factories in the South and who main-
tain their lobbyists in the State capi-
tals of the Southern States, oppose any
legislation which will interfere with
the republicans? Who is it that aids
| the republicans to maintain the pres-
|ent system of class legislation? The
'National democratic party! Democrat-
ic votes in the H«'4«e and Senate help-
J ed the republicans repeal the tax on in-
comes just after the civil war. Demo-
I cratic votes killed the bill to re-enact
|that tax in 1878. Democratic senators
i and congressmen aided the repuhlic-
'ans in taking the burdens of taxation
.off the backs of the poor, downtrod-
| den National bankers, manufacturers
and railroads soon after the civil war.
Parkerites Favor National Banks as
They Are.
Democratic votes chartered and rechar-
tered National banks down to 1902, at
which time the two old parties were so
much in accord the in giving the Na-
tional banks another twenty-five year
Not one single campaign pledge did
the democratic bosses redeem.
The Same Old Pirates Are in Charge
of Parker's Campaign.
Now what? The very same gang
which ran the Cleveland second ad-
ministration is running Parker's cam-
paign. There Is Gorman, who changed
Wilson's democratic tariff into a re-
publican measure. There is Carlisle,
the cabinet officer who took orders
from the sugar trust. There Is Oltiey,
the railroad lawyer, who loaned tho
United States army lo the Pullman
Palace Cor Company in Illinois. ,
There Is Belmont, whose name reeks
of the midnight bond deal. There is
Lamont. who belongs body and soul to
the corporations. There is Cleveland
himself, who stchemed to get the nom-1
ination, expected to get it, and by the |
logic of events should have bad It.1
Then the tableaux would have been
perfect. But ho tells the world that
Parker 1b a man after his own heart.
oqual? When Parker used that lan
guage to the negro, Ross, was it a rec-
ognition of "social equality?" If he
does not call it by that name, what
other name does he give to it?
A Cowardly Surrender at St. Louis.
That brand of democracy which can
principles have stood the test of de>
feat. Our faith is that which does not
depend upon office to feed it. It in e
part of our lives and we glory In It,
regardless of how the multitude votes.
Jeffersonlans everywhere! Let us get
together. Brothers in sentiment, lot
dividends. Talk- to us about helping , That being so, we can guess what Par-
ker is. In 1892 the Eastern democrats
who were backing Cleveland were witl-
ing to promise reform. They made dis-
tinct pledges. In 1904, the same Bast-
01*11 democrats tflio are'Wcwmg bar-
ker will not make any pledges of re-
form at all. As construed by their
candidate, their platfo/m contains no
definite promise of remedial legisla-
tion. Now listen; If the Eastern dem-
ocrats legislated in favor of the corpo-
rations in 1892, in violation of written
pledges to the contrary, what will they
do in 1904 when they are not even
hnmpered by a single pledge? From
what motive has the Standard Oil
Company been financing Parker's
campaign? From what motive has
Belmont, Gorman, Carlisle and all this
old gang of plutocratic boodlers taken
such ravenous Interest in Parker? So
: charter the roll was not even called, i'ar aB the public can see, there Is no
i Democracy did not even demand the
^ yea and nays. Democracy did not
even go through the usual form of
speech-making opposition. With a
! campaign pledge against National inot- ',c supporting Roosevelt—every
banks fresh on its lips, democracy ione °' them? The platforms are prac-
reason for all this corporation activity
In behalf of Parker. If the corpora-
tions expect nothing more tlinn the
platform discloses, why should they
'touched" the pen and gave a favored
few for another generation the tre-
mendous undemocratic power and
profit of exercising a governmental
function. Is it unfair to judge a polit-
ical party by its own record? Surely
tically the same; no Intelligent man
denies it. Parker's running mate said !
as much at the very beginning. Why j
is It then that a certain lot of trusts
and corporations are spending their
money to elect Parker? Somewhere or
not. As individuals each of us have other In this political wood pile there's
not explain wherein it differs In princi- us be brethren In action. Divisions
pie for republicanism, does not de-1 are what plutocracy wants; unity la
serve democratic support, nor will It j what democracy must have. Regie
command the support of true demo-1
crats. In my opinion Parker is going
to be one of the worst beaten men in
political history, for the reason that he
stands for nothing. He doesn't even
pretend to have any principles. That
such a man can be elected is an im-
possibility. The Eastern democrats
forgot that the American people had
both mind and conscience. Their sur-
render of principle at St. Louis went
beyond the limit of endurance. The
democratic rank and file did not au-
thorize that surrender, and will not
raltfy It. The masses are rising in re-
volt, and the tricky politicians- may
tremble, for the thunder clouds are
forming. As Bure as right lives and
God rules, there is going to be a
storm!
Why Watson it Making a Fight.
In order that the discontented
masses should be left entirely without
hope and leadership, in order that
iHeib-tiiigm oe m least1 one recruit".*;
'station where those who oppose the
! rule of corporations might, come to en-
roll themselves. 1 consented to drop
my books and my pen and to make
! this race. To the end of my days on
I this earth I shall never cease to thank
j Cod that he gave me the courage to
| do It. The odds seemed to be desper-
ately against me. The outlook for the
I accomplishment of any good was fcar-
i fully discouraging. Yet is seemed to
| me that if the life had not entirely
gone out of the people they would be
: ready to rise In revolt against the
j great sell-out to Wall street at St.
Louis.
Darkest Days of Populism.
As to the people's party, fusion had
destroyed it. The troops were dis-
banded and demoralized; the colors
were In tho dust. Yet I could not be
made to believe that all our heroic
struggles In the past had been in vain.
Those who preached cold prudence to
me could not strangle tho confidence
which I iiad In Jeffersonian principles,
and in the loyal, true men who had ,
followed our flag In the years gone by. I J|JH PJ^JjtHeve counterfeit
In spite of all that could be said I
now the great movement which Willi
bring you victory in 18#8.
WATSON IS ILL
AT BIRMINGHAM
He is Confined to His Room in a
Hotel.
Birmingham, Ala., Sept. 28.—Thorn-
as T. Watson, Populist candidate tor
president, arrived here today and 10
confined to his room in the Hlllmaa
hotel. Ail efforts to see him or learn
his exact condition so far have been
futile. My. Watson was advertised to
speak hare tomorrow night, but It te
regarded doubtful If be will be able
■' n" J , t '
BELEIVED TO BE
COUNTERFEITERS
Four Men Captured by the Shreve-
port Police.
Shreveport, La., Sept. 28.—The police
late lust night captured four men whs
are supposed to compose an organised
gang of counterfeiters. They are Bot
Deal, J. E. McKlnnon, N. H. Keith and
W. 10. Heath.
Deal was the first man arrested and
his capture led to the arrest of the
I other three.
Deal attempted to pass a counterfeit
ten-dollar gold piece when the fraud
was discovered.
McKlnnon, when searched, had sis
counterfeit ten-dollar (fold pieces m
5
fm
to take the consequences of the rec-
ord we have made. The tree can not
complain when It is judged by its
fruits. How does National democracy
stand that kind of test? What Is the
hidden a nigger! Uon't you doubt It. ;
Parker Secretly Pledged to the Money 1
Power.
As sure as you live, secret pledges
have been made for J'arker, just, ah
(reputation it bears In the community they were made; for Cleveland In 1892
! in which it lives for keeping its con- In no other way can the Interest of '■
|tiacts? Has it so kept faith with the Belmont, Gorman and the Standard Oil
I people in the redemption of its pledges j Company be accounted for. One of j
as to deserve confidence and support? two things Is true, to a moral certain-
National Democracy Pledge Breakers, ty. Either these trusts and corpora-
Let us see. It made to the people In turns are afraid of Roosevelt, or they
|1S92 the fairest promises which per-
, suasive language could embody. The
is the key to the whole situation.
Why delude yourselves by hoping to
have been promised something by Par-
ker which Roosevelt would not proin-
! pledge was accepted and the demo-jisc. Twist it any way you like—that
'crats were given full control—presi-
dent,, house and senate. If It was hon-
I'estly earnest iu its declaration for re- get reforms Inside the democratic par-
form, here was its chance. They were ty? The Bryans, Tillmans and Bal-
monarchs of all they surveyed. The leys have less power In the democratic
republicans were In a hopeless minor- party than ever before. Eastern dem-j
ity. They could only sit on the fence oeraey controls; and the Eastern dem-j
and see things go by. Cleveland's ' ocrat is a republican In all but the
second administration! God help us'name. The National democratic party :
all! The people will never forget It. lean do nothing for the people. It Is'
History will class It with the black ruled by corporations. And it has no
crimes of her annals. The democratic j common purpose, no unity, no cohe- \
campaign book of 1892 had declared j slon. Therefore it is not really a po-
that the National banks were doomed
because they would soon have no
bonds to bank on. Cleveland came to
their relief. He gave them the bonds.
Upon these bonds they are living now.
In his speech of acceptance. Cleveland
had echoed what was written In the
campaign book about the McKinley
bill, "The culminating atrocity of class
legislation," the hardships of the
farmer, and the laborer, who were
robbed of the fruits of their Industry
in order that excessive fortunes might,
be enjoyed by the greedy few. The
corporations, the trusts, the favored
few were handled very roughly In-
deed. Cleveland's speech was almost
fiercer than the platform, and the plat-
form was almost too fierce to look at.
On that platform and on that speech
Cleveland went in, congressmen went
In, senators went lo; the dear people,
the down-trodden farmers, the victim
iced laborers, all looked up, riveted
their eyes upon the dome of the capi-
tol, fixed their hope* upon the loud-
mouthed friend who had preached to
'lltlcal party In any true sense. There
are too many kinds of democrats pull-
ing against one another, In all sorts of
ways. It Is like a balky team; It raises
lots of dust In the big road, but does
not go anywhere.
What All True Democrats 8hould Do.
If you are a true democrat and havo
the courage of your convictions, you
must come with us. You have no-
where else to go. Is there any differ-
ence between Parker and Roosevelt on
the income tax, on the National banks,
on the labor question? If so, state it.
IK) It now! Is there any difference on
Imperialism and the trusts and the tar-
iff? If so, put It in plain language
which a common man will comprehend.
Do It now! Parker wants the "crimi-
nal trusts" prosecuted, does he? Then
give us a list of the criminals. We
want to see whether the Standard Oil
trust, which has financed Parker's
boom so long, Is on Parker's black list
of "criminal trusts." Is the sugar
trust, which the Cleveland gang help-
ed to rob the people of to many mil-
believed our boys would rise and come
again when they saw that our Nation-
al campaign was being managed by
honest men who would not sell us out.
And the boys are coming! From the
West and the South, from the North
and the East, the boys arc coming!
From out. the gloom of defeat and dis-
couragement and betrayal they are
coming—with the same old lire In
their fearless hearts, the same glad
light. In their blazing eyes, the same
Inspiring battle cry ringing from their
lips.
Boast that They Killed Peoples' Party.
The democratic leaders who tricked
us at St. Louis In 1896 consoled them-
selves for the defeat of Bryan by
boasting that they had at least done
one good thing, "They had sent, tho
people's party to hell!" Woe unto
leaders who trick the people and then
boast of It! Woe unto leaders wno
forget that the American people have
heart and conscience, convictions and
a sense of honor! Such men may tri-
umph for a day, but only for the day.
Not for them are the greater victo-
ries which ennoble the; human race.
Yes, they boarded our ship, drove us
off the deck, ran up their own flag, and
took the open sea. For eight, years
they used and abused our old Jeffer-
son vessel. Then they hauled down
the flag, dismounted the guns, disman-
tled the ship, and mocked her as she
floated off, a water-logged wreck. One
thing they forgot. They forgot that
principles never die! They forgot
that you were not dead; and that I
was not. dead. They had hardly quit-
ted the deck, from which they hail
driven me In 1890, before I was stand-
ing upon it again, flag up. guns re-
five-dollar pieces In his shoes. The
moulds for making the spurious colna
were found in the possession of Heath.
Secret Service Agent Thomas assisted
the police.
BRYAN AND INGALL8.
Both Wings of Demoeraoy to Be Heard
In Indiana Campaign.
Washington, Sept. 28.—W. J. Bry-
an and M. E. Ingiills, representing the
two wings of the Democratic party,
will lie heard In the Indiana campaign.
Former Senator Towne will also make
speeches.
Charles S. Hnmlln of Ohio, who waa
assistant secretary of the treasury un-
der President Cleveland and who will
represent the Cleveland wing of the
party, has also had his services en-
rolled.
The political ball Is to be set rolling
In West. Virginia on Oct. 10, with a
great riutsH meeting at Baltimore. The
entire state is to be traversed In spe-
cial trains. The speakers so far men-
tioned are Henry G. Davis, vice presi-
dential candidate; Senator John W.
Daniel of Virginia, and, It, Is antlcl
paled, David B. Hill, ot New York.
MERCHANDISE SEIZED.
Large Lot of Goods Is Held Up at San
Franoisco.
New York. Sept. 28.—Collector of I
port, N. N. Stranahan, has
the formal seizure of four casM of
liable merchandise found among
baggage on a French steamer recent
The articles mostly belonged
dressmakers returning from Parla I
aggregate in value about 912,000. (
lot. belonging to a San Franclsoo
chant, which had been released I
at 11,500,000 also was ordered
■y.g
StH
mounted, men at their places, the good i after the case had been In'
ship walking the waters like a thing
of life, pouring a broadside Into the re-
publicans on this side, and democrats
on that, no longer looking like a palnt-
od ship upon a painted ocean, no long-
er In danger of rotting at the wharf in
dull inaction, but a warship. Instinct
with fight. And as we drive her on-
ward, boys, let every man resolve that
If she has to go down again It shall
be upon the broad bosom of the deep,
As the goods had been reli
bonds will be seised Instead.
doesn't make prosperity
aie an ater. Did you ever _
sickness costs you per year,
medicine bills, etc., etc., to
of the suffering. Rbem
a knife In the bad
Perry Davis' Pali
this disease are t
lleves muscular
wlgleaa
'
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Park, Milton. Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 24, No. 39, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 29, 1904, newspaper, September 29, 1904; (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth186067/m1/1/?q=Lamar+University: accessed June 2, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; .