The Standard. (Clarksville, Tex.), Vol. 17, No. 20, Ed. 1 Saturday, June 2, 1860 Page: 1 of 3
three pages : ill. ; page 24 x 18 in.View a full description of this newspaper.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
TP9-
oirARXiB^
VOL. 17,
\r.: ■
If
m
WJ
vm
.WfEKii
!b$&fe
pMOCIunOHATIC
CLAKISVI LJUE, RED RIVER CODNTTv TEXAS, S AT PR DA Y, JUNE 2, 1860.
IAL OONVJBN4
,•.. l'or(im of
*iu v * J
ritif Pfat/arm and Sece*-
t},r Southern Delegate*
Aiiril 3^, 18< 0>—The Convention
{ °~,unt to arij'iurrmiont at 10 o'clock AL
<*ii^ ta H# b*the ?"£*«*
:J!;;* 'the lie*, *r. Dana, of Charles-
t!'': ■' desired to state that, in the
n a most protracted
Tl:c president
Lteiu,ni',nt ccyBfC.jt
\^U .^turdav ni-ht. there was some
! llttk ten dene}' ti «H
!« * tcr fl.e Ch,ir j'
j perfect^ eoaseious ti.-ft
inrn
: give
r hii-'i)
r .T-jr
t?
r, ] s
'1 ; a
jn'-'hr,
•'i i'i
jmsin
v." r
mm
pi
11
; c*>m id
r: ■
I
W-m
-
;; tro
! t:i"
rtfer. which it became ne-
rebnke. and he was
n assuming,.at any
j- ;e applying to so
(ticmen, he was liable to
' Trustinaf that he has
timed it his duty to ad-
f . a'l gentleman in the
■i v .3 then made by one
v u rh—
ie condition of the
ention was required
i -imment on Saturday
a p'ion had ordered the
out. The Convention
■.he first place, the gea-
(31 r. Avery) re-
the majority of the
n the gentleman from
an amendment to
king out all after the
• sert the resolutions
of a portion of the
After which, the
it-'. <etts (Mr. Butler)
the Georgia delegation meant to instruct a unit
vote, he could not array himself against what
he telt was the purpose of his State.
Mr. Driggs, of New York, said the Conven-
tion having adopted the Cincinnati platform,
he moved to lay all the other resolutions on the
tahl&
This motion was rejected, yeas 81, nays 188;
Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Texas de-
clining to vote.
Mr. Ewing, of Tennessee, .eullcd for a sep-
arate vote on the following preamble and reso-
lution :
"Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in
^Mr. Milton, oi Florida, spoke in behalf of
his delegation, and it withdrew
Mr. Glenn, of Mississippi, then addressed
the Convention and closed with a communica-
tion from the Mississippi delegation, signed by
every member of it, and it withdrew.
Mr. Bryan of Texas, presented a letter from
the Texas delegates, and they withdrew.
Mr. Burrow, of Arkansas, read a communi-
cation signed by the delegates from his State,
and they withdrew.
Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas,: said a consulta
tion should have been had before this step was
taken. He reserved his right to act as he
moved.
c; a.: her portion of the
minority committee, to amend the amendment,
bv striking out all after the word "resolved"
2i;J invrt:n' the proposition proposed by him
.in the behalf of that minority. The first ques-
tion Will h>*. therefore, upon the amendment
momf I'V tfie u'entieman from Massachusetts,
Mr. ttiitier.) If that amendment fails, the
('onvolition will then come to a vote upon the
ameniluscnt movedby the gentleman from Iowa,
,Mr. Simu-is. • If. however, the amendment j his proposition,
of Mr lluMer prevails, then that amendment
the Democratic party as to the nature and ex- j pleased atter a consultation with his delega
tent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature,
and as to the powers and duties of Congress,
under the Constitution of the United States,
oyer the institution of slavery within the Ter-
ritories :
"Resolved, That the Democratic party will
abide by the decision of the Supreme Court of
the. I nited States on the question of constitu-
tional law."
C!ov. Winston, of Alabama, raised the point
that the vote had first to be taken on the reso-
lution, then on the preamble. Ruled to be not
well taken.
Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, said if gentlemen
of the South do not want the resolution, we of
the North do not.
Hon. Bedford Brown, of North Carolina,
warned his Northern friends not to adopt this
preamble and resolution. It swept off every
barrier of the Constitution, and would destroy
the Democratic party and the country. [Great
sensation.]
Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, desired to speak,
amidst loud cries of order.
Mr. Kichardson, of Illinois, desired to be
j heard.
| Mr. Cochrane, of New York, hoped he
| would be heard. Peace offerings were about
j to be had.
j Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, continued on the
: floor amidst loud cries of order.
I Mr. Meek, of Alabama, insisted upon his be-
| inir brought to order.
Mr. Stuart said it would not be discovered
! whether he was in order until he first stated
Mr. Iluges, of New Hampshire, moved that
will have taken the place of the amendment j all not delegates be requested to withdraw from
mov.-i t.v Mr Samuel.-, and the next question j
sil' u*p n substitution it in the place of the I
„-j_r|i.;i! r - 4'ition proposed by the gentleman
iroin North Carolina.
The Secretary then read the amendment of;
Mr 'liutler. which is as follows :
/,' Tint we, the Meritocracy of the!
jn assembled, hereby de- j
>f the Democratic resolu- j
J op ted and declared as a i
's at Cincinnati, iu the
st addition or alteration, be-
•raii^ principles are unchange-
i'nk'ii, in ('
c'aro our afiir
tlnn- UtmtiillH
j.|utf..rtn of 5
vear 1witV
i';e\!ti_ that I>>: in
meip
ah!c i'i their n-Uir •. when applied to the same
p.iMeer-n.a'ter. :m<l we rc com mend as the only
farther r - Ttiti-the followijig :
H-otr. /, That it i- the duty of the Knifed
States to extend its protection alike over all
its eiti '!)>, whether native or naturalized.
The v<.-te ^then taken by States on Mr.
Hiin-.r's amendment, with the following re-
Xn
I'-'i/t.
Xiuf.i.
y -
:>
Mississippi
0
T
N. Ii;n;tr--!.tr«
0
5
1 e.xas
0
4
IVrntmi'
0
5
A rkaii-'us
t)
4
Ma.-sa"
H
.=
Mi.-touri
4.'.
4 A
Island
tl
4
Ton (lessee
ii
1
1 Of1 111" tii'ilt
2
•4
Kentucky
y
:i
N. w Y. rk
tl
0
2'
\\-w
0
Inilijana
0
Is
Pei:.i>v! vaiiia
1 ''
10|
Illinois
0
11
Di-h^r.-
;;
0
Michigan
0
6
V:iryl:i>: i
—?
Wisconsin
n
5
Vir- .va
1-2 A
-A
Iowa
t
4
N-.rtii' 'a:-olin
i iu
0
Minnesota
h
01
« '.roil.i
i ')
California
0
4*
liercia
10
0
Oregon
?>
0
F'orida
n
%
-Va'-M.sa
0
!)
105
IJhs
Lr.:-iaua
0
ti
the floor. He excepted the ladies.
The Chair requested those not delegates to
retire to the rear of the room, and not crowd
the delegates.
Mr. llichardson, of Illinois, rose again to
speak, but the Chair ruled that he was not in
order.
Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, moved an adjourn-
ment until 4 o'clocK thib afternoon.
Mr. Cochrane appealed to the Convention to
hear Mr. lihicliardsoii.
The Chair ordered Mr. Cochrane to take his
seat
Mr. Stuart withdrew his motion.
The Convention then voted on the secon I
resolution and its preamble, and it was rejected
by the following vote :
tion. He thought the proper! course would be
to stay in and try to nominate a Southern
man.
Mr. Burrow regar led the Democratic party
as no longer existing. This union by the co
hesive power of the public plunder was at end.
A part of the Arkansas delegation with-
drew.
Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, moved that the
various letters from the seceding delegations
be entered on the records.
Mr. Benning, of Georgia, asked permission
for his delegation to retire and determine its
course. Leave was granted.
Mr. Merrick, of Illinois, spoke with great
feeling upon the fearful consequences which
were likely to ensue from the differences that
prevailed.
Mr. liussell, of Virginia, said Virginia was
with the South. When the disruption of the
Union came she would say to the South,
" Whithersoever thou goest 1 go ; thy peop-
le shall be my people, and thy God my God."
Virginia wanted time to consult. He could
not speak for his delegation. He hoped the
Convention would adjourn until to-morrow.
Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, presented the
views of himself and Mr Whiteley who inten-
ded to retire with him. Six States, he said,
have already rctiredv He was here to n-.eet the
delegates of thirty-three States, and abide by
a decision of two-thirds. Ho could not by re-
maining fetter his constituents to the choice of
a body which e.as no longer that which lie was
sent here to participate in. Mr. Bayard and
Mr. Whiteley withdrew at the close of his re-
marks.
Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, eaid that cir-
cumstances had arisen which taere not antici-
pated by those who sent him here. Two of
his colleagues had already retired. No man
cherished the views of the Soiithcrn Democra-
cy more than he did. lie and a majority of
the delegation are not, however, prepared as
yet to act. They wanted to see if something
could not he done to unite the Democracy
lie therefore noped the Convention would ad-
journ.
Mr. R. T. Merrick thought that time out to
be allowed to those delegati- 11s to retire.
The Convention then adiouined.
principles to explain the platform of the Dem-
ocracy ? The answer of every one will be,
$Io! Then, gentlemen of the Convention,
what is the objection to the Cincinnati plat-
form ? I am told it may bo subjpet to two in-
terpretations. Will any man here attempt to
make a.platform that will not be subject to two
or more interpretations'! Why, sir, when
Omniscience sends us the Divine law for our
guidance through life and our hope in death,
for two thousand years almost bands of men
have been engaged in different interpretations
of that divine taw, and they have sealed their
honesty of purpose with blo jd ; they have burnt
their fellow-creatures at the stake as an evi-
dence 0it the sincerity of their faith. [Laugh-
ter.]
The Constitution of the United States—has
uot that received two interpretations ? Has it
not received a Northern interpretation ? Has
it not received a Southern intopretation ? Has
it not received an Eastern, a Western inter-
pretation ? And yet, gentlemen 0f the Con-
vention, has not the country prospered under
that Constitution, with its various interpreta-
tions I, by no means, claim for the plat-
form of principles at Cincinnati that they are
the most perfect of any that ever can be writ-
ten. I make no such claim for them ; but
what I do claim is, that in this day of section-
al agitation—pardon mej if I say frankly—in
this day of some little growing distrust of each
other, it is better to stand by the platform up
on which wc have agreed to stand together
and upon which we have stood together
hire,
Stales.
Maine,
N. 11 amps)
Vermont.
Massachusetts,
Rhode Island,
Connecticut,
New York.
New Jersey,
E -nn«ylvania,
Ot-Iaware.
Mary iand,
Virginia,
North Caroliv.
1 V-fi.
0
1
0
0
4
11
0
0
4
, 0
Nays. States.
8 Missouri,
Tennessee,
Kentucky,
Ohio,
Indiana,
Illinois,
Michigan,
Wisconsin,
Iowa,
Minnesota,
California,
Oregon,
1".
Nam
i;>
South Carolii;-', <•
4
ti
0
12
4
X
0
0;>
t)
Is
.0
11
0
ti
0
5
0
4
0
4
0
4
0
3
21
238
tr.e amendment was rejected.
r-retarv proceeded to call the roll
of
Start-.-, ail
I the \
ofce resulted as follows:
)>
tjf.
JVV-v-t. Suites.
Yer.x
Nnys
Mame.
0
Mississippi
t)
7
N.lia .;i-s
li"rt 5
0
Texas
0
4
Verm..i.f
5
0
■Arkansflr-
0
4
iIa.tsi.-loi-
ftto- 7
r
Missouri
4
5
iUIhuIi- l-:;
t,d 4
0
Tennessee
1
11
twirii"-: -11
t •">
Kentucky
.>1
y.l
N't* Yf.-rk
0
Ohio
2.'i
n*
N, w .i .-]•> •
2
Indiana
13
ti
JViii-vlvai
:a Ii!
Illinois
14
<1
IMawar.-
11
Michigan
tj
11
Mar. land
4.1
Wisconsin
5
11
Virginia
f
io
Iowa
4
0
N. ('jir'ilii:
t
11
Minnesota
4
it
4 Carolirn
0
K
Ca'iti.rn iif
0
4
Meorpa
0
10
Oregon
tl
:j
Kl.jri.la
0 •
;;
. _ _
•Alabama
0
<>
163
138
Warm
0
0
Ho 1 he
amend
1111
nt proposed by
Mr. Samuels
\the minority report i was agreed to.
The nest question was upon the report of
the committee as amended by the insertion of
the minority in lieu of the majority report
Mr. Kutler, of Massachusetts, asked for a
1 - ■ . • n
t o - . i •; v< r.i Separately upMK the
jjart r'.-ai«r:.:,a, tor ('ii," irinja?j platform.
• ^'r- h'. r North I'arilinu, appealed to
She r.'i D. tui*■• ■ *i« . to pause, and riot
i-r.'r j,};. {,.r,„ !'„j .Southern Democ-
f"v ii" i.' - -vi't .han if it was adopted.
Mv
Mr
Mr. \!,
fir-.it.
The
Ot?
L-Xl . ,
d h
'•r iiicjii!
fions, but v .
i Tin- qac
I 1 !;
li-Sl
Vorjk, objected to all
,'oi.i. wanted to make a
11 ii'it of order.
lafnc.j to make cxplana-
I 'wed to do so.
len taken on the first res*
>n,
adi
pea:,
p*tu *
Jtr*.
j Hi
• it.- v
Thnt we. Ihe Democracy of
't.n\. ri'icn Assembled, hereby,
usance of the resolutions nnaui-
i an i declared as a platform of
"'s i,y the I'cnioeritic Convention at
-iniiati iB the year believing that
tie r-rir: :; le< «re unphangeable in their
hen aj plied to the same subject mat-
-1..,
was adop|<?d by the follow-
a;,:ri..
U1 md
."■oanen-tict'.i
Vui k
Pew .Ivr*Hy ;
t'cnruiiyvin!-
!«arjrlan 1
Tirgiak
■
'jforgia
Alabatiia
Srli ppl
r«x;48
Ark n.',o>
Micbi
niseriiiin
<J*hfomia
Yeas. Nw.
0
7
0
4
0
4
~h
U
10i
1
12
0
23
0
13
0
11
0
ti
(1
5
0
4
0
4
0
i
H
0
3
237$
«5
^1 Vote.of Mississip-
pi! wa the Cinriunati pl«t form was a gwin-
Twurn, ea iorsed Misaiasippi,
•m
die.
Pending the call of the roll nearly the entire
North changed their votes from the affirmative
to the negative.
Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Texas, Flori-
da, Mississippi, and Louisana declined to
vote.
Mr. Stuart called for a division on the re
maining propositions and a vote by States.—
The vote was then taken on the following res-
olution* :
linoim!, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.
The roll was called, and it was carried unan-
imously. the States declining to vote on the
last propositions, except Georgia, declining to
vote on this.
L Mr. Stauart asked that the States that had
declined voting be called, which was done, and
they still declined.
; The vote was then taken on the following
resolution .•
Hisn/rfiil, That one of the necessities of the
age, in military, commercial, and postal points
of view is speedy communication between the
Atlantic and Pacific State:), and the Democrat
ic party pledge such constitution of a railroad
to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable
period.
It was carried by a vote of 34S ayes to 220-3
nays.
The Southern States before declining to vote,
still <lting so.
Th ' icstion was then taken on the follow-
ing r< -s. .! itions: >
I,', ,«,/ rrf, That the Democratic party are iu
favor i.f the acquisition of the Island of Cuba
on terms as shall be honorablo to ourselves
and jii'-1 to Spain.
It passed unanimously, excepting the seven
States declining to vote.
The last resolution was then voted upon, as
follows :
/.W, That the enactments of State Los
"i-hiture to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub-
versive. of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect-
It parsed unanimously, all the States declin-
ing t" vote that did before.
So the minority platform reported by Mr.
Samuels was adopted with an amendment, by
which the second resolution and its preamble
were stricken out.
The proceedings throughout were interrupt-
ed by explanations, or attempts to make them,
points of order, and other irregular motions.
After the platform had been adopted.—
Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, stated that the
minority had reported the second resolution,
with its preamble, because .they thought the
South wanted it and they had voted it down
because the gentleman from North Carolina
(Mr. Brown) had appealed to them to do it in
a spirit of conciliation and patriotism. Mr.
Stuart contended for the popular sovereignty
construction of the Cincinnati platform.
Mr. Yancey, interrupting, said that Alabama
protested ugainst the Douglas constrution of
the Cincinnati platform.
Mr. Stuart resumed and concluded his re-
marks but was greatly interrupted.
Mr. Walker, of the Alabama delegation,
presented a communication from his delegation
protesting against the refusal of the Conven-
tion to promise protection to the rights of the
South iirthe Territories, and also a resolution
passe*' by the delegation against any one from
the State voting hereafter in this Convention.
The Alabama delegation, then withdrew.
Mr. Jfonton then presented a similar com-
lon from the Louisiana delegation, and
lonsf of South Carolina presented a
lion from lis delegation, signed by
members e?oept three, and it with-
By
to orde
aph.—Tin?
:• leg rap
■ this mornini
Charleston, May, !
Convention was called
at ten o'clock.
Mr. Russell, of Virginia, made an explana
tion with regard to the Tetibiessee compro
raise resolutions, and offered the following reso-
lution :
Resulted, That when this Convention ad-
journs to-day it adjourn to nii'ct in the city of
Baltimore on the l.Sth day of June, in order to
afford the States that are not. now represented
an opportunity to fill up their delegations.
Mr. Mason, of Kentucky, raised a point of
order that the resolution niusfry lie over one day
under the rules
The President decided that the resolution
was iu order.
A motion was made and carried to suspend
the balloting. The vote was carried, ayes
noes 51.
The excitement had now become so great
that it was impossible for the speakers' voices
to be recognized or their language under-
stood.
Several ineffectual motions were made to
change the place of meeting. A motion to in-
sert New Vork was rejected, and also a motion
to insert Philadelphia, which received only SS
affirmative votes.
The original resolution to adjourn to Balti-
more was linaily adopted, yeas Dili, nays
for victory over a common foe. Why is the
interpretation to be received on one side and
not upon the other Not at all. The differ-
ence of interpretation, after all, is not a prac-
tical difference. They undertake to interpret
before that difference had a'risen in practice to
which such interpretation can be applied.
Again ; another realson why 1 desire to stand
by the Cincinnati platform and not change it,
is, that in my judgment it guaranties the South
every constitutional right, and wo of the North
explained it upon every platform, promulgated
it in every school district, and it is thoroughly
and well understood there, «o that now we have
brought your constitutional rights before the
minds of the Northern people beyond question
or doubt. But if a new platform of principles,
which may be better, shiill to-day be adopted
by this Convention, wc of the North, cool,
calm, thinking people, will still look upon it
with a liltle distrust; and all th;s explanation,
I all this interpretation, every thing that goes to
j convince the people and get •.hem to vote wiih
I yon. has all got to bo <i jno over again, and
\ for that reason I stood in the committee, and
1 stand here, that p.lajtfonn as the best pos-
sible under the circumstances. Now, wheiein
do 1 differ from the majority report? Why
cannot I agrcj with the majority report? Thi r-
are many things in that report with which 1
can airrco, but there arc one or two things in
it witti which I cannot agree without modifica-
tion. Allow me to cali your attention to what
they are, so that you liny understand what is
l)k' radicaVdifference between myself and tin-
majority ot the committee.
Your majority report in the third resolution
provides for the protot-tiou of the rights of pro
p'.-.rty on the high seas. Our
nonts will see in it what I am sure Southern
gentlemen do not mean—the re-opening of the
African slave trado, and it wiil be so construed
that 110 man can get rid of the interpretation.
It will be proclaimed from every stump, flaunt-
ed from every pulpit, thundered from every
lyceum in the North, uiltil\we, your friends—
aud iu uo boasting spirit I say without us you
arc powerless—the last refuge of the constitu-
tional rights of the South within the Union
are stricken down powerless forever; so that
without farther modification it would be impos-
sible for me to adopt the majority report. The
minority report, which is very like the one
which I present, contains also some thing
more, which does not approve itself to my
judgment. I can adopt all the resolutions of
the minority report except the second. In-
deed, all the other resolutions, except the .-e-
cond, are in the Cincinnati platform, and neeil
not be reiterated. The resolution as to the
Pacific railroad, the resolution as to Cuba, and
the resolution as to the fugitive slave law, are
all in the Cincinnati phulorm. The resolution
in rel.ition 10 Cuba, if I may u.-e so harsh an
expression, allow me to say with all due res-,
peet to the gentlemen who drew it, is more
delicately and diplomatically expressed in the
Cincinnati platform. The resolution as to the
Pacific railroad is also 111 the Cincinnati plat-
form, not placed there without some difference
of opinion, because a great system of internal
improvements was not formerly a doctrine of
the Democracy. Therefore, the only differ-
ence between the minority resolutions, to which
1 have moved an amendment, and the Cincin-
nati platform, is in this second resolution, to
which L ask your ct.ndid and caret's I attention.
That resolution commences by reiterating a
mere truibm—that all (jue.-'tious of lights- of
property in the States and Territories, and
questions arising under the Constitution, are
judicial questions. Of course, all questions
affecting the rights of property between man
and man, under the Constitution, are judicial
questions. You do no more than affirm that
the sun shines and that water rans. The next
proposition is a very dangerous one : And the
Democratic party is pledged to abide by
and faithfully carry out such determination in
these questions as has been or may be made by
the Supreme Court cf the United States."
Now, my friends, I am an old-fashioned
Democrat. I learned my Democracy of one
Andrew Jaekson, and, as f remember, that
glorious oid hero did not very much defer hi j
political opinions to the Supreme Court of the
United States. [Cries of " Good, good!"] By
no means : and 1 think, were we to adopt that
resolution in that language, this day and this
hour, if there could be anything under heav-
en that could disturb the peace of the grave,
such a resolution in a Democratic Convention
would make the old man's bones rattle in his
coffin. [Applause.] Jut this is not my spe-
cial difficulty. 1 am quite willing to ad pt
that about which I know something. I aai
very willing to adopt all the decisions
of the Supreme Court that have been
ma !e I must abide by thcui because the law
of the land makes the tribunal of the United
i States the Supreme Court,andasa law-abiding
I say theu, was our eloquent j citizen I must abide by that opinion and that
(decision. But whtt dees thh^esohftnjnlfo ? D
goes further. • It pledge the Democratic party
to carry out their determination upon" all ques-
tions of property, slave or otherwise,, to the
full effect. But what is the sting iu this reso- j
lution ? It is this : This resolution pledges us
that w*e will carry out faithfully all the deei-
well, look nt it carefully. Yon, of the South,
to whom it seems to be thrown out as a boon
—1-you, of the North, who will get yourselves
into great difficulty by it, criticise it carefully.
You are making great principles for a great
party. They are not to be made by passion
Framed by prejudice, they are no* to be forc-
ed up n us by a caucus excited more or less by
bad whiskey. [Laughter.] They are not to be
the emanations of enthusiastic devotion to any
man or set of men They are to be the grave,
well-cousidcrcd, well-understood words of truth
and soberness, to be abided by forever as the
pledge of honorable men ; and, therefore, I
pray you to be quite careful, quite exact, quite
scrutinizing in each word, in each thought or
idea conveyed in these resolutions. Now, men
of the North, suppose that the Supreme Court
should decide upon questions of property aris-
ing in the States—and I hope that there is no
danger of their so deciding—that slavery ex-
isted in Massachusetts, and that it was forced
upon us by the Constitution of the United
States—are you ready to carry out that deci-
sion ? You might have to submit to that, but
you would not move at once for an alteration of
that State constitution to prevent such decision
taking effect, and adopt such other remedies
as your good judgment might devise ? You.
men of the South, suppose you were foolishly
to go apart from us, and Mr. Seward were to
be elected President. There sit to-day upon
the Bench of the Supreme Court nine Judges,
eight of whom are seventy years old, three of
them so debilitated that they may never take
their seats again. What happens? Without
any act of Congress, Mr. Seward being Presi
dent of the United States, that Court is reor-
ganized, and it decides that slavery nowhere
exists by natural law, and that man can hold
no property in man. What are you to do then ?
Arc you to ybide by the course of law ? Let
me say to you. my friends, that upon every
one of these questions the making of p!affortns
is a little ticklish business. Now. ray friends,
you may taunt me with the fact that I am
speaking for poor old Massachusetts, that has
never given a Democratic vote since the days
of Jefferson. She did give a Democratic vote
theu. IJy that vote the South acquired the
rich inheritance of Louisiana ; and I see here
from the Gulf States men who but for that vote
1 never would have had the pleasure of meet-
ing except as the subjects* of Napoleon III.
Then do not taunt me with speaking for a Stare
that cannot give an electoral vote. I fed
deeply mortified enough about it. I do not
iike to bo taunted with it ; I do not think it
<jui;e kind in my friend from Maryland to
make th.- remark he did. I would have thought
it more unkind if my friend fro n Mississippi
aad .-aid anything of the kind ; but I thought
it especially unkind iu my friend from Mary-
laud, bccause he violate It he well-known max-
im m my country, that the " pot should never
call 1 he kettio black." [Laughter.]
Mr. Johnson, of Maryland. While Mary-
land obeys the laws of the Union, as she has
over done and dots now, she considers herself
djual to all other States ; bat when she refuses
to acknowledge even the force ol the Constitu-
tion, and the laws made in pursuance thereof,
she will then be more modest in the expression
carping oppo- j of her opinions.
Mr. Butlkk
SPKKCH 01- MR. BUTLER.
Mr. Butler of Massachusetts, next ad-
dressed the Convention. He spoke as follows :
Mr. 1 'resident and Gentlemen of tho Con-
vention : I owe you au apology for the seem-
ing presumption of appearing here with my
single judgment opposed to the matured sense
of the majority and of a large minority of the
Committee 011 Resolutions. Had my judg-
ment, in my belief, stood alouje, I. should have
passed long before 1 would have interposed my
convictions agaiust the occurrence iu the com-
mittee, with which 1 bow with so much res-
pect. 'The chairman of the committee told
you that he appeared here with resolutions,
which he held in his hand, representing sev-
enteen States of the Confederacy. The elo-
quent gentleman lrom Ohio who has just tak-
en his seat told you that he represents fifteen
States of this Confederacy. Sir, 1 have the
pleasure, under God, by the resolutions Ajhich
1 present, of representing unanimously thirty-
two sovereign States of this Confederacy, [ap-
plause,] every man of which Has been pledged
by their recorded solemn action, in National
Convention assembled, in tavor of the platform
of resolutions passed at Cincinnati : and the
men are uot absent now. if the platform a-
dopted at Cincinnati was wrong, where was
the chairman of our committee ? lie was there,
a member of that Convention : and will you
allow me to read the enthusiasm which he then
gave to the resolutions I haVe the honor to
present ? When the State oft North Carolina
was called, Mr. Avery, who was the organ of
the delegation from North Carolina, said
" North Carolina casts'ten votes for the resolu-
tions and will give ten thousand in November."
[Laughter and applause.] Where were the
eloquent gentlemen from Mississippi ? Where
were the keen-eyed politicians from Alabama ?
Where Were those somewhat uneasy friends of
ours from South Carolina ? Where was gal-
lant Kentucky then ? Where was Georgia
theu, that uo man rose to object to the resolu-
tions ? Where
chairman ?
"Oh, where was Roderick then?
One blast uj>ou his bugle horn
Was wortii a thousand mbn."
[Great Laughter.]
I then ask my friends of I the Convention
whether I am as presuutpluoui as might seem
in appearing before you and asking the adop-
tion of the Cincinnati platform which four
years ago was received with so; much enthusi-
asm by the National DemoCraay in Convention
assembled ? Sir, it has received the unanim-
Comparisona arc odious, but
i say that any man in Massachusetts can walk
up to the polls and vote for any body on earth
without having hts head broken by a cudgel.
[Great laughter.]
Mr. Johnson attempted to respond, but Mr.
Butler declining to yield the floor, he said,
" Very well, have it so."
Mr. Butler. I will say this to the gentle-
man, that every thing that the Democratic
party could do in his State has been nobly done
to protect men in their rights. Will he give
old Massachusetts the same credit that every
thing the Democracy of Massachusetts could
do to stand by the Constitution and the Union,
the rights of hjs State and my own, has been
without fear, tavor, affection, or hope of re-
ward ? [Applause] Therefore, I say again,
that 1 do not iike to be toid that this platform
is only represented by States which are sure
to give electoral votes for the Democratic can-
didate. Let 1110 call the attention of the gen-
tleman from Maryland to the lact, that by the
vote from his State the House of Representa-
tives got a Black Republican organization.
[Applause] And, my g.iliant friends from
Teuucssee, are your skirts quite clear ? And
how stunds Kentucky, tin dark and bloody
battle ground ? She has five to five in the
House of Representatives, is a cipher there,
and if they do uot take care will be a cipher
in the electoral vote. And how stands the old
State of North Carolina? Pour and four in
the llous'.! of Keprcsentativcs. These States I
have enumerated were never reliable Democra-
tic States, aud therefore I have ventured to
say that I have a good right to speak here for
the ^aii.iut States of the North who have some-
times given, and always want to give, Demo-
cratic votes. Why is it that we canuut carry
our States at home ? Would you like the ex-
perience of one who has for maa\ years fought
the battle of the Democracy iu his State, and
who knows the temper of her people ? It is
not because her people arc disloyal to the Uni-
on. It is because her people do not under-
stand your institutions, aud because it is said
that we must make concessions to you. I do
not mean to endorse that sentiment, hut that
impression has gone abroad, and therefore an
antagonism has giown up whioh expends itself
in attracting the possessors of it into the ranks
of Black Republicanism ; an l, therefore, I tell
you, my lricnds, that, unless some great good
is to be accomplished, it would be a great deal
better for this Convention not to make any ma-
terial change iu the Cincinnati platform. It
would be better for the Northern aud South-
ern Democracy, rather than do that, that we
should nominate some firm, reliable, out-aud-
out, hard-working Democrat for President, go
borne and elect him against the common enemy
without any platform. [Applause.]
Having trespassed quite long enough upon
the attention of the Convention, 1 desire to
call' the attention of gentlemen to the only
change that I have proposed in the platform
of Cincinnati, and that is, the duty of the
United States to extend its protection alike to
ail of its citizcn3, whether native or naturaliz-
ed ; and that has been added because a new
case has arisen since the Convention at? Cin
cinnati. Owing to some cause, which it is not
now necessary to either understand 01 explain,
a double interpretation has Ijeen given "by the
State Department upon the rights of natural-
ized citizens nbroad. It becomes us, who make
it our boast that the Democratic party have
made this land the home of the oppressed of
all nations, to declare that when once we have
sions that maybe hereafrer made by the Su- ™U3> wuwjouce we nave
oreme Court. Now. I have ™at rioect. as ! received a c.tiien into the United States, he
preiue Court. Now, I have great respect, as j
a lawyer, foT the Supreme Court, and great
respect for their decisions, because I know who
„ ... ,. ... - made them. But how, in the providen«e of
ous verdict ot the Democratic party ot the ■ God, am 1 to know who is to make the deci-
country, North and .South, in, one great vie- sionsofthe Supreme Court ? How am I to
tory, carrying it farm upon out banner. I re- j know what decisions are hereafter to be made ?
peat it has received the endorsement of the • If we 8hall disagree here, if we shall foolishly
Democratic party of the country; it has re- clash, if we shall separate our interests and al-
low the Republicans Jto elect their favorite
ceived the endorsement of the people of the
country; and has any thiug changed, in either
the Government policy or in its territorial ac-
quisition, to alter the principles of Democracy ?
Tell me, ye East, has any thing
Tell me, ye North, has any t-hing
Tell me, ye South, has any thing changed?
Tell me, ye IjfW, has any
~ occurred since
man, Mr. Seward, who threatens a reorganiza-
tion of the Supreme Court, are yoq willing to
changed ?
hich needs new
Cteti
make? [Cries of " bq f*- -« at
will not. Nobody thought you. wottldv
herefore, my irieadr, seratiiuse tbi8 " ^
is a citizen ever after, and no matter what sov-
ereign may have claimed his allegiance There-
fore, I have thought, aoting, I believe, in this
matter in oonoert with the majority ami minor-
ity report, that the amendment 1 have sugges-
ted might be added without disturbing the
great principle npon whioh my aotion has al-
ways been predicated, that is, to let well e-
nough alone- [ Applause J
On motion by Mr. Bart sdalo, of Mississippi,
the Convention then adjot rned till 4 I*. M.
SPEECH OF ME. BARKSDALE.
Oil the re-assembling of ihc Convention. at
four o'clock, Mr. E. BaricJOale, of Mississippi,
In the spirit of fraterniny, and with a sin-
cere desire to consolidate the great Democratic
party ot the country upon the principles of the
Constitution, which are as enduring as troth
itself, the majority of the committee, of which
I am a member, have presented their report,
and ask this Convention to incorporate it into
the creed of the Democratic party.
The committee believe that it is time that
the differences which exist in the Democratic
party concerning the true interpretation of
their creed were settled. They teel sincerely
that it is a burning imputation upon their
honor, upon their honesty, and patriotism, that
a party claiming to have principles for their
guide should acknowledge as their declaration
of faith a creed upon which are placed
two distinctly different interpretations by its
own advocates. Keenly do they feel that
while this continues they will suffer under the
deserved reproach of speaking to Che country
with a double tongue, of wearing a Janus face
to win to the embrace of the Democratic or-
ganization men of every hue of opinion, with-
out reference to the principles which they en-
tertain. A°d keenly do they feel that while
this continues, the prosperity of the Democrat-
ic party will be injured, its progress will be
impeded, its peace will be destroyed by con-
tending factions, within its own bosom, each
charging the other with violating its plighted
faith. They are well aware that, while the
struggle for honors, for offices, and for their
emoluments continues, these dissensions will
he hushed ; but then full well do they know
that when the battle has been fought, and the
clangor of arms against the common foe has
ceased, theu will come the terrors of domestic
strife—then will gush forth the fountain of
bitter waters, for the shouts ot triumph will be
mingled with the notes of discord
The exciting scenes through which we have
passed during the last three years are full of
eloquent appeals on this subject. In 1860 the
Democratic party of this great country met in
Convention at Cincinnati. For the Presidency
ibey nominated a statesman, venerable in years,
wise in council, revered for his long and faith
ful services in the cause of his country, and the
action of the Convention was ratified by the
people at the polls. But what are the facts ?
Upon the very first measures of his Adminis-
tration, having a sectional bearing, he found
it bitterly and fiercely assailed by a portion of
the party which assisted in elevating him to
power, upon the grave charge of violating the
principles upon which he was elected. Shall
this continue ? Shall the incoming Adminis-
tration inherit, the misfortunes and troubles of
its predecessor—troubles and misfortunes
which I aiiirm were born of a creed whose true
meaning, if its own followers are to be believed,
is shrouded in mystery ?
T'lion what is the duty of this Convention ?
Sir, it is manifest. It is its duty to remove
t'n-ije doubts ; to clear away these obstacles to
harmony, to blaze out the way that those faith-
ful followers of the Democratic flag must go so
plain that even amid the storms of contending
factions the faithful advocates of its principles
may read them inscribed upon it? glittering
folds. Sir, these difficulties, these dissensions,
were strongly developed during the Lecomp-
ton struggle, aud to this very moment, as has
been demonstrated here to-day by the speeches
which you have already heard, they still con-
tinue. They involve pinciples of vital import,
they involve con-iequeuc.es deeply affeoting the
interests of the slaveholding members of the
Confederacy; they relate to the status of Ter-
ritories which are acquired by the common
blood and treasure of the people of all the
States, to the right of those people to their
joint occupancy and e^ual enjoyment, and to
the authority and obligations of the Federal
Government in the discharge of the duties
which appertain to them
Ou the one hand it is maintained that the
inhabitants of a Territory, the first settlers who,
by chance or design, are thrown upon the
public lands, have the right to appropriate
theui to their own use, and dqtermiue for all
time the future institutions of the country, by
passing laws declaring what description of pro-
perty may or may not be carried into the Ter-
ritory and enjoyed there.
Ou the other hand it is contended that the
inhabitants of the Territories are the mere
tenants at will of the States, and possesses no
powers except what Congress, acting within
the prescribed limits of the Constitution, oan
confer ; that they possess no sovereign power,
no power to declare what description of pro-
perty may or may not be carried into the Ter-
ritories, aud wholly subject in their Territo-
rial capacity to the control of the Federal Gov-
ernment.
The ownership of the Territories is in the
States, the j urisdiction over them belongs to
the Federal Government, and the Territorial
Legislatures which it sees fit to establish to
facilitate the performance of minor duties is
but the agent of an agent. Now, can Congress,
or its agent, exclude the property of any of
the citizens of the Statos from the Territories ?
The power to do this depends upon the rela-
tions which it bears to them aud to the States
respectively. Sir, it needed not the decision
of the Supreme Court of the United States to
impress upon intelligent minds the fact that
the Constitution confers upoi^ Government
power to acquire territory, and that it holds it
in trust for the use of the States, which are the
equitable owners.
Now, can this trustee, by its own acts or by
the acts of its agents, discriminate between the
property rights of the several owners ? In
other words, can the citizen of New England
carry into the territories and enjoy there what-
ever description of property he may desire,
and a like priyilcge bo denied to the citizen of
a Southern State ? And yet, sir, the power to
make this discrimination, to perpetuate this
wanton injustice, is claimed for the Territorial
Legislature by the advocates of the minority
report.
It was well and wisely said by the present
head of the Federal Government, James Bu-
chanan, that "if a confederation of sovereign
States acquire territory at the expene of their
common blood and treasure, surely one por-
tion of the partners cannot exclude the others
from an et^ual participation iu the benefits
which belong to all, by preventing them from
going into the territories with whatever is re-
cognized as property by the Constitution."
The Supreme Court of the United States has
decided that slaves are property, and that
neither Congress nor the Territorial Legist
ture has a right to exclude that description of
property from the Territories, which are the
common property of all the States, but that
Congress is bound to afford that description of
property full and ample protection.
_ Now, sir, what is the language of that deci-
sion ? Mark well its language, because it
comes from a source entitled to the respect of
the Democratic party. It is this:
" The right of property in slaves is distinct-;
ly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution."
" And it the Constitution recognise* &A right
of property in slaves, and makes *t dist^i6 bn
between that description of yijjjttrty fiwiaay
other, no tribunal aoting nqdeflhe aqflwiffi
of the United States, whether it he legajative,
executive, or judicial, oan make sooha distind-
tion, or can deny to it the benftfit of ' "
visions and guttsateo* whioh am *
the protection Of
eroaohmenfe/' &o,
Court of tlift-tfeuted States, and it is
a righfto the
been held ^ the -*n*rnrtn of the
The extracts whioh weze nad t
distinguished gentleman - frtri
Payne) proved nothing to tfe mm*.4
perhaps a quotation which in* 1 "
speech of a prominent gentienin
Carolina, (Mr Orr,) and that, if
been torn from its context, ouuld not haire mh
tuned him in his position.
Mr. Calhoun, long since reflecting -thaaeinft-
ments of the entire South, in his celebrated
controversy with Thomas H. Benton, declared
this doctrine in these words:
" The power and jurisdiction of the Federal
Government having been conferred for the
protection and promotion of the righta of pro- .
perty and the safety of the citizens of all.the
States, it is bouud to protect all by its united ;1
action wherever its authority extends. - ,
" For this purpose." said Mr. Calhoun, " it*
power and authority were conferred, and if It
fails to fulfil this, it fails to perform the duties
for whioh it was created.
" It is enough for it to know," said that
revered statesman, " that it is the property,
the right, the interest of the citizens of any
one of the States, to make it the duty of toe
Government to protect it wherever its author-
ity extends, whether upon the high.-•? • or in
the Territories."
By the legislation of 1854, this whole ques-
tion was remitted to the judiciary, to that tri-
bunal composed of men far removed from the
baneful influences of sectional and party strife,
and it is for the inviolability of the decision
rendered by that tribunal that I am now plead-
ing. Shall the Democratic party, which
claims to be a party of the Constitution—Hi
party of law and of order—reject this decision
and rudely throw itself upon the stormy sea of
vague, conjecture, to be pome hither and thith-
er by every wiad of doctrine, a prey to con-
tending tactions, each failing under its own
colors, but all claiming t art by the authority
of its creed ?
Th«- South demand* the protection of the
Government for th. property of her uitizensby
all its departments, legislative, executive, and
judicial It may be said that the last-named
already possesses sufficient power and authority
This may be s> It in a question about which
learned jurist* and eminent statesmen differ-—
What wo el'iin is the unqualified aud unequi-
vocal assertion the ritrht oi proteetiou
wherever the i*:ris4ictio« of the G overnment
extends aud >\ ill ;he authority with which
it is ii!-.■ - 1 1; Mid what wo me&n by pretto-
tion is -,jiuit.- pr ite'-tion, such as the pecu-
liar circumstances < ' aeh case may prove to be
necessary when it ar;.M-s.
Now. gentlemen of the North, I wish you
distinct]} to ur.'i :t>tand iu this connexion that
the claim of the to protection is notcon-
single department of the Goveru-
fined U
ment.
Bur we Uav<
ty to-day, that
tion with slavery i
District ot Cohu
on the Domoora
■ he1
the
to Id with some plau-dbili-
iku'trine of non-interven-
.Mates, Territories, and the
ia, heretofore engrafted
platform, and • consti-
tuting an article of its faith, precludes the
adoption of the views whieh I have presented.
Now, let me say to you, gentlemen, in all sin-
cerity, if that be i!ie M ite construction of the
Cincinnati plat torn, whieh I by uo means ad-
mit, let me say, tin. to the fhithful Democra-
cy of the Sotitii it ins neon a miserable delu-
sion, a false light, •• mere trnKfing cymbal and
sounding brass." And if you tell mo that the
Democratic party has committed itself to a
heresy so uionsti-ou -. and that it is a violation
of its plighted faith not to maintain it, theu,
sir, I say that it is still more discreditable hi
persist in propagating a political falsehood at
the expense of the rights of sovereign States
and the Constitution itself.
But. sir, I deny that this is the true mean-
ing of tho Democratic platform, and I appeal
to the intelligent men of the country, to patri-
otic Democrats every where, to beat me oat iu
the emphatic assertion that this doctrine wsrf
expressly 3*1 mcd «t iu unconstitutional dogma
of Congressional pr. iiL*itiou, as illustrated by
the M issouri restri *ion, and whieh was sought
to be accomplished by the anti-slavery agita-
tors through the instrumentality of the Wil-
mot proviso. It was iu antagonism to that in-
iquitous dogma that the doctrine of non-inter-
ference was proclaimed, and its true meaning
is that Congress can neither establiiJh nor abol-
ish slavery The great principle of the right
oi protection to property whioh goes into tha
common Territory under the solemn provi-
sions and guarantees of the Constitution was
left untouched, and was held sacred.
Sir, if it be true that the doctrine of non-
interference preoludes us from asserting a claim
to the protection of our Government wherever
its flag floats, then, sir, we have no greater right
to demand its guardianship than that of Fvanoo^
England, or any other foreign nation, because
(as has been said elsewhere) we have the right
to demand non-inOir/erence at their hands; and
it has always been accorded exoeept in rare
cases. But when it has not been accorded—
when the rude hand of violence has been laid
upon the persons and property of Ameriean
citizens—our Government has always inter-
posed its protecting aegis. Sir, it was in ac-
cordance with the requirements of this groat
principle that the war of 1812 was waged; it
was in accordance with the requirements of
this great principle that the war of 1846, was
declared and prosecuted until onr eagles were
borne in triumph to the gates of Mexico; it is
in accordance with this principle that the right
of search has always been denied; and it ih to
vindicate thip principle, gentlemen of Now
England, that on whatever seas your whit*
winged messengers of commerce go, there your
Government sends its g£ns and Koala its flag,
a sign af protection—the proudest emblem of
its greatness and of its glory. [Applause.}
Then, sirs, in asserting this, claim fbr pro-
tection, we arc but demanding the prioo whioh
we ourselves pay for the support of Govern-
ment ; we are but contending tot a great prin-
ciple which necessarily flowp from the nature,
of the compact between ($0 States constituting
the Government, to which our aO^gi&aoe &
due; we are but contending for a principle
which involves the most vital interests of
people of the slaveholding States—•.
which Cao never be '
dishonor.
It is the duty of tl
rate the resoluti*
of the eommifetop
That jieiag
party, your j !
dimmed by
be merited
taoa&r.
for aU: time/in
the maj
jnunr ef air
bo
wiB
fight npon
party of the
| trnst, in that event,'
of the Bcpobtic, a
t)k#'
he
a party which looka
deetieafcind
ifto
spurious or deeayingi
ring is truth itself, 11
and taaoty nidi 1
therefore, which
patriotic men df<
oan stand,and fa*
ly. Tjwnlet "
itm,
i m
■ m
ii
Bi
lit '
m
would entitle
7v£pl8§al
*
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This issue can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Matching Search Results
View two places within this issue that match your search.Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Newspaper.
De Morse, Charles. The Standard. (Clarksville, Tex.), Vol. 17, No. 20, Ed. 1 Saturday, June 2, 1860, newspaper, June 2, 1860; (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth234259/m1/1/?q=Lamar+University: accessed June 6, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.