Telegraph and Texas Register (Houston, Tex.), Vol. 8, No. 8, Ed. 1, Wednesday, February 8, 1843 Page: 2 of 4
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Fjw...'t-3agssi
to their sound judgment and discretion. Strictest secrecy
is enjoined; and they are significantly ordered to "be pre-
pared to act with efficiency, and not lo It thwarted in
their undertaking" The appointed of the President un-
dertook the execution of the onler with alacrity; foilu-
nately, however, for the country, notwithstanding the se-
crecy of the movement, the object was suspected by many
who were called upon to Join in the enterprise; and , it
should be staled, for the credit of our countrymen, that as
soon S3 the "object became known, those patriotic-citizens
who had been duped into the enterprise, refused to assist
in the execution of the illegal order, or to unite in any
undertaking which threatened to produce a civil war, as
it might lead them to 'imbrue their iands intheialood of
their brethren. Most of hem returned to their homes,
and but about twenty remained who were willing to en-
deavor to carry out the orders of the Executive. They
proceeded to Austin, obtained some portion of the public
property, and commenced their return. They were pur-
sued, however, by a portion of the citizens of Travis, were
overtaken, and the Archives restored to the place from
which they had been taken.
Such is the statement of the transaction as made by the
President; and from it the conclusion is irresistable that
the Executive of the nation and a portion of its -citizens,
are engaged in a controversy involving important princi-
ples, and in which one or the other must be in the wrong.
It is to be hoped that the Congress will act as the pa-
cificator in the disagreement, to ascertain and decide upon-
which party the blame is to rest. After aiull investiga
lion of the subject, -to render unto Causer the things that
are Causers, and by decided and efficient action, forever to
put an end to this unnatural contest. It remains to ex-
amine, what wrong shall be attached tolhe reasons urged
bv the Executive in defence of the course he has pursued,
and how far, in his communication to the House of Rep-
jeseniatives, he has been able to sustain'himself by reason,
by law, or by authority. The undersigned will confine
.their attention entirely to the legality and correctness of
the order to Messrs. Smith and Chandler, and to a review
f the argument of the Executive in his justification of;
his measure.
Whatever authority ihe President may have had to di-
rect the removal of the Archives and the heads of depart-
ments in the first instance, and, however, those who re-
cused to yield obedience to that order might have been
looked upon as violators of law, the course which the
President has since pursu-d, has operated lo eflectan en-
lire change iu the position of the contending parties, so
that the citizens of Austin cannow hold up for their pro-
.teciion the broad Egis of the law, and can successfully
-claim lo Be contending in defence of the -law, while the
President is exhibited as seeking lo obtain improper ends'
bv illegal means. How this change has been brought
about we wil proceed lo-show.
The President in his communication to this body slates
"that the original order for their removal (meaning the
Archives.) was given at a time when the country was ac-
tually invaded and when every man in Texas having a
knowledge of the facts acquiesced iu the prudence and
necessity of such a mpasure." This may have been true
in part, but it is pqu.illy true, that before the order was re-
ceived by the officer to whom its execution was commit--ted,
the invasion as styled by the language of.iaflation had
lost its threatningand dreadful character, -and it was noto-
riously understood that there was not a Mexican within
the limits of the country. These flicts were known to
the officers remaining at the Seat of Government, and if
-they were "not as rqual-ly well known lo the President it
was because of his absence from the point to which duty
called him. It subsiqupnlly came to his knowledge, yet
.still he persisted. But the confidential and constitutional
adviset of ihe Executive who was directed to superintend
the removal did not enforce or alii mpt to enforcetfae order
on the ground alleged by the President.; but simply pla-
ced it onhe footing that the President willed it and had
-lon determined to accomplish ihut end and that the order
was not predicated upon any supposed or real invasion of
the Mexicans." There is some contradiction here which
it is hopeless to try to reconcile. Yet the President says
that "every man in Texas having a knowledge of the
facts acquiesced in ihe -necessity rfif the order," owing to
the actual invasion of the country by the enemy whilst the
Secretary of War who was well acquainted wi:h all the
facts and was present when danger oug'ht to have been
apprehended, denied ihe existence of the danger, and as-
serted that occurrence bow so much magnified, had no
influence in determining the conduct of the Executive.
Before then the ordpr was executed the Congress met at
Houston. Op to thi3 period the citizens of Austin had
acted wrong. Duty required them to yield obedience to
the Executive, but knowing all the circumstances as well
as they did and the moving causes which actuated the
Executive it wouid be hard to censure them Jbr their re-
sistance. Congress met at Houston on the 27th day of
June last, and Jrom that time the Executive power over
ihe subject matter was at end until the happening of some
new emergency during the recess of Congress. That no
such emergency has occurred to justify his course the
President admits, inasmuch Mas he Tegards every measure
,v hich he has since adopted as a continuance of that first
order." The Executive further adds, "'bad the emergen-
cy which dictated the removal of the Archives arisen
whilst Congress was in session it would clearly have been
within their province to have provided for their security.
But as Congress was not in session it devolved upon the
Executive. Congress has been once in session since the
order was given. They forbore to act upon the subject."
Such are the statements of the President. His opinion
seems to be, that if Congress is insession.atthe happening
of an emergency, they have the control over the Archives;
but that if they are not in session at that particular junc-
ture they are forever debarred by the prior claim and oc-
cupation of the Executive, The course which the Con-
gress at Houston pursued was a sufficient indication lo
the Executive of their disapprobation of his conduct.
They refused to sustain him In his message he asked of
the legislature for their support and co-operation in his
undertaking and they refused it. He asked them to fur-
nish him with the means to exreute his orders. They
declined it ; and because they refused and declined lo act
npon the subject as he desired, it "enforced upon him
the necessity of pursuing the course he took." The opin-
ions of the President are decidedly wrong. It required
the positive sanction of Congress to authorize him to take
a step further after their session at Houston, and all his
orders subsequent to that period, if looked on as a contin-
uance of his first order, were illegal, unconstitutional, de
rogatory to ihe dignity of the Legislative Department of
the Government and in violation of the rights of the citi-
zens. The citizens of Austin since that period have had
the vantage ground in the contest with his Excellency,
and he seems disposed to allow them to maintain it.
Whatever may be the correctness of the above views
there is another small matter, which will not escape the
attention of the House or the animadversion of the country.
The Constitution provides that "Congress shall call out
the militia to enforce the Laws, suppress insurrection or
repel invasion." It further provides that the three De-
partments of the Government shall be forever kept sepa-
rate and distinct. Congress had neither exercised the
power itself nor delegated tt lo another. The act of the
Executive in ordering out a portion of the military force
of the country to execute a law of the Legislature, or an
order of the Executive, without the sanction of the Legis-
lature is contrary to that Constitution, which it is the
sworn obligation of the President to support and his pri-
mary duty to maintain. The citizens of Austin in resist-
ing the armed force dispatched by the Executive to exe-
cute his commands unauthorised as they were, neither
acted as a "mob," nor were they "in a state of beastly in-
toxication," as his Excellency chooses to represent them.
No, they acted as men who knew their rights, their duties
knew, and knowing, dare maintain them. The lawless
mob were composed of the ready tools and unquestioning
agents of the Executive, will. To defend the Archives
from the depredations of these lawless men in their unholy
enterprizp, undertaken, though it were under the patron-
age of the Executive, was as much the duty of every patriot
citizen of the country, as to protect and defend them from
the marauding incursions of the Mexicans under Vasquez
or Woll. They merit well the abuse of the Executive for
thwarting his will, but ihey deserve the thanks of the
t taaaicLajuiSjg
rnu a i.. ...,, I nhoi-TMiKlii I r... r tha nno hni fnncpQ ilip "fruitful river of the eV e to
IIC 1.1U1JIV COU1IU UIHW Jiuunw Hum nit Uill. imk wmmow ... ..... y
flow, when we follow to the cliarnet-nouse a reiain c u.
In nno cnoo um hntrP IhR snnlninjr COnSOiailO U i
country for their conduct
documents are in the custody of the laws, and fortified and
defended by the stout hearts and strong arms of ou r citizens,
and the sanctity of the deposite should not be violated either
by Executive prerogative or the minions of his power.
If it be remembered, that the order of the President to
jaise an armed force was furnished on the 10th of Dec, at
Jhe very time when Congress was in session, it would op-
pear that it was mtenaea to auu io me injury uuuu iu mc
citizens and an insult to the Legislature.
How the President could have fallen into such an error
is the more extraordinary from the fact that he admits in
his defence, that he had no power to act as he has done
L without the sanction of Congress. He thus speaks on the
subject: "Before the rise of the last Congress which set
at Austin, the Executive asked for the means for the pro
tection of the Archives. His application wasdisregarded,
and by law he had no authority to call out a foice for that
purpose, nor means appropriated for its subsistence." Yet
without this authority he called out such a force and makes
the want of authority so to do, his-reasons for doing so.
Again he says: "He is constrained to believe that the
honorable Congress will adopt such efficient measures or
empower the Executive so to do, as will secure the safely
of the Archives." If it was necessary to. have the authority
of Congress to take the steps which he has adopted, why
did he take such steps without such authority ? Congress
has heretofore and still does believe "the Archives safer
where they are and as they are, than they would be in the
keeping of the Executive, "and his endeavors to defeat the
designs of Congress by his extraordinary proceedings is
conclusive evidence of the correctness oi tne opinions, oi
Congress m this subject, and must act as an estoppel to
the bestowal of any further confidence touchiug the subject
matter. It is then the opinion of the undersigned, that
the act of the Executive in directing an armed body of
men to remove the Archives from that point at which the
laws had placed them was contrary to the laws and con-
stitution of the country, and that all persons engaged in
the execution of said order were trespassers and wrong
doers from the beginning.
The President expatiates with considerable fervor up-
upon his own patriotism and the devotion of the Govern-
ment officers at Austin in their late exertions lo remove
the archives. In these panegyrics the undersigned can-
not concur. They have no encomiums to bestow on the
patriotism which dictated these orders or on the heroism
which failed in their execution.
It would not in the opinion of the undersigned have
been proper for them to have expressed their opinions
relative to the personal danger which nny threaten the
Chief Magistrate of the Republic from any of its citizens
had not the frequency of ihe mention of it by the Presi-
dent rendered it impossible for ir to be passed by without
notice. We state it as our deliberate opinion that he has
no reason to fear personal wrong. We advise him to
dismiss his fears the apprehensions under which he la-
bors are too ill founded for anxiety and too puerile for
pity, aud in either case and in all other cases it is an ob-
iect of painful contemplation to seethe President of this
Republic and the Hero of San Jacinto manifest in his grave
state documents lo a co-ordinate branch of the Govern-
ment a trembling fear at the vain threats and idle boast
ings of any person whatsoever. (Signed,)
TOD ROBINSON,
JNO. CALDWELL.
fripnH
knowing that we did every thing in our power to v .ara
off' the heavy blow; but in the other no ray of sunsl line
steals iu upon the cemraerian gloom. All is doubt and
despair a mystery as unfathomable as the designs of the
Ommipotent enshrouds the past, and imagination pictt ires
u scene of agony from which we turn with horror. We
know the loved ones are no more, but the place whi re
they perished the circumstances attending their exit
and the thousand other associations lhat come through ig
at the beck of memory fill the chamber of the soul, ai ad
touch the chords that vibrate tothe belter emotions of o" ur
nature. . .
It appears but a few short days, since we prr?sd JbrUi e
last time, the warm hand of Lieut. Commanding Seegei ,
as he was on the eve of departure for Galveston. Hope
then beat hiirh, and the Future was painted in bright and
glowing colors. His last word at parting was, ",rJ
not return victorious, you will never hear of me." The
words were prophetic I He sailed from Galveston with,
the determination to attack the Mexican fleet, if necessary,
and every provision was made for such an emergency.
He was not permitted, however, to realise the anticipations
of a chivalrous spirit. While fondly musing on the glo-
rious career fnncy pictured out the shrill whistle of the
gale was heard the sky and sea became inky black the
seamew's shriek swelled on the chainlets brerze the
demons of destruction flapped their raven wings and the
mountain waves closed over the doomed vessel ana crewi
The horrors of that moment are known by none save the
All Seeing One, but tears will flow for those who
"In the ocean' coral cave,
Hare found an early, di camlet grave."
Crescent City.
THE TELEGRAPHS
Remarks of Gen. McLeod, Representative from Bexar,
on the motion to print 500 copies of the Presidents
Messagt tn relation lo the Archives :
"Mr. Speaker: Whatever may be my political re-
lations to the Executive, or my estimation of. him as a
man, I conceive it to be my duty to my country, and to
the office he fills, to veil from the public gaze the ac
knowledgment of his own shame. If the publication of
this singular message only affected the personal character
of the President. I would not attempt to impede its gravi
tation towards the sink of infamy, in which it will find its
natural level. It is a voluntary and unsolicited admission
on the part of the Executive, that he has waged an unau
thorised and unconstitutional war, upon the laws of the
country and the rights of the people.
It is also a frank and foolish acknowledgement of his
defeat. In contempt of the folly which dictated the at
tempt, and pity for the imbecility which Jailed in its exe-
cution, I will vote with the friends of his Excellency,
and endeavor lo conceal from the world the assertion of
our Chief Magistrate, that he is an open violator of the
laws, and the antagonist of the peoples rights.
NEW ORLEANS RATES OF MONEY.
Corrected from the Bulletin of February 1, 1843.
par o
1 a 2j prem
al do
4 84 a 4 86
3 65 a 3 87
16 06 a 16 15
15 53 a 15 56
SPECIE
Dollars and half dollars
Dimes and half dimes
American gold -Sovereigns
Twenty franc pieces -Doubloons,
Spanish"
Do Patriot
EXCHAN GE.
London, 60 days - 2 a 3$ prem
Paris, 60 days - - 552i a 5I.56J-
New York, 60 da s - 2J a 2J dis
Do Short - - 1 a 2f do
Boston, 60 days - - 2 a 2J do.
Philadelphia, 60 days 2J a 3 do.
Do. Short, - la 2 do.
Baltimore, 60 days 2J a 3 do.
Havana, short - - 4 a 5 do.
TREASURY NOTES.
TJ. States Treasury Notes
First Municipality,
Second Municipality,
Third Municipality,
BANK
NEW ORLEANS.
Bank of Louisiana,
Gas Bank, -Mechanics
and Traders'
Commercial,
City -Union
Bank,
State Bank,
Canal Banking Co.,
Carrollton - -Consolidated,
Citizens', ...
Atchafelaya, ; ;
Exchange, ; ;
Improvement ; ;
Bank of Orleans. ;
Blue Backs, (cks on Merc' t B) 15 a 20
NORTHERN.
Bank of the United States
New York and Boston,
SOUTHERN.
Alabama -
Tennessee ...
South Carolina,
N. Carolina, -
Georgia -
Arkansas, -
Miss. Union Bank post notes
Agricultural, Natchez
Planters' do - -
Port Gibson
Grand Gulf, -
Com. R. R. Vickaburg -
WESTERN.
Kentucky - par
Indiana Stato Bank. ' 1
Illinois State Bank, 40
Shawneetown -
Cincinnati -
par a dis
13 a 16 do.
22 a 24 do.
35 a 40 cts. per dollar
NOTES.
par
par "
par ' '
par
par
par
par ' ..r.
par
par
22 a 25 dis
29 a 31 do.
23 a 25 cts on the dollar.
46 a 49 do
33 a 40 do
48 a 51 ctsondol
dis.
46 a 49 cts on the dollar.
20 c
li
21
2J
dis
a none.
a do
a do
35 a 40 cts on the dollar.
11 o 13
45 a 48 on the dollar.
38 a 40 do do
a none
24 a 26 face and int.
8 a 9J do' do
o 1 dis
a 3 dis
a 45 cts on the dollar
a 35 cts on the dollar
a none in market
REVIEW OF THE NEW ORLEANS MARKET
Corrected Jrom the Bulletin of February 1, 1843.
COTTON LIVERPOOL CLASIFICATION.
Inferior, .- 4 a A
Ordinary, . .
Middling, : :
Middling Fair,
Fair, : : :
Good Fair, :
4i a 4f
5r a 5J
6 a 6r
7J a 7
8 a 8
Good and Fine, :::::.-.::: 9 a 11
J3DITED BY FE-ANCIS- MOORE, Jr.-
Houston Wednesday, Feb S, B43.
The San Antonio. No one can contemplate the loss
of the ill-fated San Antonio, and the gallant and courteous
commander and crew, without experiencing an irrepressi-
ble feeling of sadness. Death is the common lot of all,
but when the destroyer sweeps to the grave cherished ones
without a moment's warning when those who are near
and dear to us pass to ihe world of spirits without leaving
behind a trace of the mournful calamity, an indiscribable
sensalion takes possession of the mind, entirely different
Coi.. Fisher and his comrades. Many have en-
tertained fears that the Mexican government will not res-
pect the articles of capitulation made by Colonel Fisher
and General Ampudia, when it is ascertained in Mexico
thai Colonel Fisher was not acting under the authority of
Gen. Somervell. If the Mexican goVcrnmrnl should re-
fuse to sanction those articles of capitulation, it will not be
on this ground, wc believe, for ihe very admission on her
part that Gen. Somervell was a legally appointed com-
mander, would be an indirect acknowledgement on her
part, lhat the Texian government had the legal right to
appoint a commander to conduct a war against her; and
this would be a tacit acknowledgement of tho Indepen-
dence of the Republic of Texas. She is precluded by her
own acts from drawing any distinction between the sever-
al banls of Texians that she finds in arms. She has ap-
plied to them all the common epithet of adventurers and
usurpers of her territory, and she is obligated" to treat
them all alike. She has recently declared that, she t
hereafter conduct the war agreeably to the establisratl
principles of civilized waifare, or in accordance with the
laws of civilized nations; by this admission she is rice-
eluded from inquiring into the internal regulations s
Texas, and the contracts made by her gennrals with tlrc-
Texian officers who may surrender as prisoners of war
are binding upon her, and she is as much required by the:
laws of nations lo respect ihein as if they were made di-
rectly by her own authority. She has no right, therefore,,
to inquire whether Col. Fisher was acting under the or-
ders of Gen. Somervell. She found him at the head of a
band of Texians invading her territory, and she was ap-
prised thai the Texian government had given authority
to its soldiers to invade that-lerritory. Those soldiers,
therefore, having invaded her territory under the sanction
of their government are amenable to their government
for their acts, and not to Mexico. If they had disobeyed
orders, it belonged to their own government to punish
them under whose laws they acted, and not to the govern-
ment of Mexico. But fortunately even here they arc safe.
When Gen. Somervell left them in ramp, to return with
the other forces, they immediately held an election agree-
ably to the laws of ihe Republic, and re-organized under
ihe law authorizing volunteers lo elect thtir own com-
mander. The acts of the Colonel thus elected, then fore,
became ihenceforth as binding upon the government as
the acts of Gen. Somervell, who had been appointed by
the President. The articles of capitulation, signed by
Col. Fisher and Gen. Ampudia, are also as much entitled
to be respected by the Mexican government as the' would
have been, if signed by Gen. Somervell. It is the duly
also of the minisUvs of the respective governments that
have recognized Texus as an independnt nation to inter-
pose, their influence, and so far as practicable induce the
Mexican government to treat Col. Fisher and his captive
companions as prisoners of war, agreeable to the estab-
lished usages of civilized nations. In the detachment
under the command of Col. Fisher, were many respecta-
ble and worthy young men, who had but recently emigra-
ted lo Texas, aud who engaged in our service without
renouncing their allegiance to their native States. Tljerc
were Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, Americans and
others who were still entitled to the protection of their
respective governments so far as lhat protection could,
agreeably to the laws of nations, be extended by a
government lo its citizens engaged in the service of a for-
eign State, if it were just that Britain, in the war bt tween
France and Spain, should require British subjects en-
listed in the service of the Spanish government, to be
treated as prisoners of war when captured in open com-
bat; it is also jtist that she should now interfere and re-
quire the Mexican government to treat the British sub-
jects captured with Col Fisher, as piisoners of war. A
similar duty devolves on the government of France, that
of the United States, and of every other country, whose
citizens have been thus captured. The Ministers of Bri-
tain, France and the United States, now residing in Mexi-
co, should, therefore, promptly interfere and shield their
countrymen from Mexican barbarity. But, as we have
before mentioned, it is a duty which they owe to the civi-
lized world, to require Mexico to treat not only their own
countrymen, but also the captive Texians, as prisoners of
war. Their respective governments having recognized
Texas as an independent nation, are bound, by humanity
and honor, to require that the rules of civilized warfare
shall be observed in the contest between Texas and Mexi-
co. If, by their neglect, Texian citizens are basely mur-
dered by the Mexican government, or compelled to per-
form the menial services of slaves, like the captives of the
barbarous nations of Africa, a direct insult would thus be
offered to the nations who have recognised Texas as an
independent State ; and they would be justified in taking
arms against Mexico, as Britain and the United States
formerly took up arms against Algiers, and compel her
to resDect the established laws of nations. Mexico is
doubtles? aware of ibis, and will regulate, her conduct ac-
cordingly. Although she may retain these prisoners in
captivity, and subject them to hardships and indignities
similar to those exercised towards the captives now at
Perote, she will not dare to violate the articles of capitu-
lation signed by Gen. Ampudia, so far ns to inflict capital
punishment upon a single prisoner. We have little-hope,
however, that they will be speedily released, unless our
government shall prosecute the war with such energy
and vigor as to induce Mexico to consent to an armistice,
or n sufficient number of Mexican citizens shall be cap-
tured to exchange for our own prisoners.
Duties secured at the port of Galveston during the
quarter ending 31st January, 1843.
Amount duties paid,
" do secured in public store,
$26,459 23
13,321 19
Premium on Exchequers,
Total revenue in Exchequers,
S39,780 42
8,950 76
848,731 IS"
Cherokee land. The settlements in the Cherokee
country are daily extending, and ere long probably every
! oot of ground designated as the Cherokee lands, will be
o ccupicd by adventurous and enterprising settleis. Nehh-
e r the determined hostilhiy ef the Picsidentio these loca-
ti ons, the opinion of the Attorney General lately paraded
b efore Congress, nor even the haid times seem to mtimi-
d. Ue ihe settlers in the least degree. They appear to re-
ga.rd all these as mere bugbears, and look to an upright
an'd independent judiciary for protection and support; and
in our humble opinion they will not be deceived. There
is not to be found on record in ibis country the least evi-
de nee or shadow of evidence, that the Cherokees ever had
a title to this land, granted to them either by the govern
ment of Texas or Mexico; but on the contraiy the whole
history of the transactions of the Mexican government
wii.h the Indians shows lhat it was contrary to her estab-
lished policy lo grant lilies to lands to the Indians, except
when they embraced the Roman Catholic religion, and
were admitted in the political society as Mexican citizens.
They then were allowed lands in the same manner and
subject lo the same restrictions as colonists. The Chero-
kees never obtained these privilegivs, and no lilies were is
sued lo ihem as colonists. They, therefore, had no legal
right to the soil they occupied, except that obtained as
tenants at will, and when they were driven from those
lands ihey reverted to government as vacant lands,
and the citizens who have located their "headrights" or
other claims upon ihem, are as much entitled to hold pos-
session of the lands ihey have located, as those who have
located claims in Austin's colony. We do not believe an
upright and impartial judge can be found in Christen-
dom who will decide otherwise. We believe, therefore,
that the government, instead of adhering with so much
tenacity lo its claim to these lands and endeavoring lo pre-
vent lis citizens fiom improving them, would be doing far
more benefit to the country and to itself, by surrendering-
at once its claim and encouraging industrious and worthy
citizens lo smle upon the disputed territory. It would
then be enabled to levy a lax directly upon the lands thus
I located in' proportion to their value, and a greater or at
least a more certain income would be thus derived from
these lands than can even be derived from their sale.
their booty. The gold, silver, precious stones, &c, cap.
lured during this expedition were so great, that every sol
dier Teceived many thousand dollars for his share,, and
the share that fell to Morgan wa3 valued at over $400,000!
What is there to prevent similar expeditions being car-
ried on against Mexico Her cities are opulent, and her
"pebple are as imbecile as those whe defended, or rather
deserted Panama. If a bold and enterprising leader
should march with one or two- thousand troops into ihe
eastern provinces of Mexico, he could levy from the cities
of MatamorosP Monterrey, Saltillo arid Chihuahua, at least
one million of dollars. With this money he could soon
enlist an army of five or six thousand men, and capture
San Luis Potosi, D-jrango, Zacatecas, and other Jare
towns in the rich miningdislricts of Mexico. The wealth
drawn from these would enrich his troops, and cause
thousands of adventurers from the United States, the Cana-
das, and even Europe, to flock to his standard. His ar-
my would increase like the mountain avalanche, and prove
as resistless. Mexico might thus be overrun and conquer-
ed by the gathering bands of the trans-Atlantic descend-
ants of the Goths, as easily as Italy was overran and con-
quered by their ancestois. It wants but an Alaricora
Hengist to lead the van, and gathering thousands will en-
sure the victory.
Some have expressed fears lhat if our government
should call in an army of ten or twenty thousand" adven-
turers, they would, after conquering'someof the Mexican
provinces return, and by their riotous and disorderly con-
duct do more injury to our own citizens than the enemy.
These are idle fears. If these troops should ever attain a
good foot-hold in Mexico, they would find it easier to Jive
in the wrahhy-citiesoTirfai country, thau" in the small
impoverished towns of Texas; and jf they should become
tired of the campaign, their fiist impulse would lead them
to return home. They would, therefore, not return lo so-
journ in Texas, but go by the most expeditious route" to
their homes. This was the course pufsued by the volun-
teers who served in the army of Texas in 1836. That
army, consisting of 2,600 men, was disbanded, and in a
few weeks hundreds were seen wending their way to our
sea-ports, to embark for their homes in the United Stales
or in Europe. Thus would an army disperse, however
large it might be, if disbanded in Mexico. l
J Exchequer bills. The collector at Galveston is novfr
lakinjj the Exchequer bills at eiffhtycents on the dollar.
A calculation. It has been estimated lhat there are
about 2.000 men in Texas who are not engaged in any
profitable business, and whose labor is totally lost to the
country. Admitting lhat the food of each of these men
costs but twenty-five cents a day. and the clothing only
fifty dollars a year, the annual expenses for each man
The cash price for ihe notes in this city, we believe,
ranges from fifty to sixty cents on the dollar.
The Navy. This once strong arm of national de-
fence is now powerless, and fast hastening to ruin. The
seamen and many of the officers have left the service, and
the few officers who remain have to cook their ownfood,
row their boats and perform all menial offices. At ihe
last accounts, Com. Moore and Cdpt. Lathrop, were coop-
ed up in the cabin of the Austin, waiting almost with'des-
pair to receive some aid from the government. Most of
the officers, we understand, have determined to quit the
service unless encouraging news shall be received m a
few days from President Houston. We wish there were
one single evidence lhat the aid of government would be
extended to them ; but they might as well expect aid'from
the Mermaids as our present administration. President
Houston recommended no appropriation for the navy in
his annual message, and none was granted by Congress.
We see, therefore, no alternative left for our gallant tars.
Thpy will be compelled lo quit the service or starve.
This is hard indeed. Several of these officers were in-
duced to leave the service of the United States, where they
were ensured liberal wages and a prospect of atlainfng
eminent rank, was held out before them; and engaged in
would amount to 8140. The annual cost of the support
of the 2,000 men, therefore, would be 8280,000, which is I lhe service of. Texas, where they have been constantly
subjected to privations and hardships of almost every'kfnd
and what is worse, they have not now even the consola-
tion that their services are desired; but on the contra-
ry every act of the government indicates that it desires to
cast them off as a needless burthen.
alllost to the country. Most of these men are doubtless
willing to engage in useful labor, but they are so situated
that they cannot engage in business. They cannot en-
gage in farming for ihey have not capital to purchase
farming utensils, and many are unacquainted with the
business, and could not labor profitably even if they had
the utensils. All, however, would make good soldiers,
and if they could be collected under a good commander
and marched lo Mexico, they could not only support
themselves in the enemy's country, but also compel the
enemy to pay them a sum which would be a fair compen-
sation for their services. Even, however, if they should
merely levy from the enemy a sum sufficient for their
own suppoil, Texas would thus be the gainer; for the
national wealth would be actually augmented precisely
in proportion to the amount that the enemy contributed to
their support. Texas, therefore, instead of losing annually
8280,000 for the support of idle men, would be enriched
to that amount. "Live upon the enemy," was the favor-
ite maxim of Napoleon, and many of his largest armies
were supported, not by money and supplies wrung from
impoverished France, but by contributions levied upon the
opulent cities and towns of conquered provinces. The
armies of Rome were also thus supported. The armies
of Britain have been thus supported in China and India.
While they prosecuted the war they drew their supplies
from the coffers and granaries of the enemy. Texas can
do the same. The provinces of Mexico can be as easily
compelled to pay contributions to sustain an invading ar-
my as India or China. Mexico forces war upon us, let
her then pay for it. It would be a master stroke of policy
for our government lo collect the idle men of our Repub-
lic into an army capable of invading Mexico with success,
and in the mean time compel her to acknowledge our In-
j dependence. .It has often been remarked thai we have not
means to carry on an offensive war. We have brave
men with arms in their hands, and we have cattle to feed
them until they can reach the enemy's country ; they there
can derive "means and resources" from the enemy. In
the days of the Buccaneers, private adventurers often car.
ried on offensive war with some of the most opulent Span
ish provinces, aud were successful, even though they had
less means than our government. The celebrated Cap-
lain Morgan commenced with only a few hundred men
lo invade the Spanish provinces, he captured a few
small towns, and with the money levied from these
raised more troops: the news of his success spread
like wild-fire, and when it was ascertained that he intend-
ed lo conquer Panama, such numbers of adventurers flock-
ed to his standard, that he soon' found himself at the head
of 4,000 men. He did not stop to discipline these, or to
talk about insubordination, he had but one word of com-
mand it was onward; his troops knew -but one milita-
ry evolution it was to march forward. And for-
ward ihey went, towns and cities surrendered as they
approached, armies were dispersed, and at length the
gmit and opJulcnt city of Panama, filled with the wealth
that had been wrested from the Incas and their decendanls,
fell an easy pre-, and Morgan and his followers, after
collecting immense treasures, leisurely retired with
"War. Letters have Jbeen recently received in this
town from sources-of the most authentic character, giving
the information that r.n invasion of Texas byJYIexico will
take place early in the spring; Every wind-that blows
bears us confirmation of this intelligence, and we now em-
phatically say to the people of Texas, prepare and be.
ready for the conflict " Texian.
We copy the above article from the Texian of the 14th.
ult., and as lhat journal may now be regarded as the or-
gan of the Executive, we can regard this article in no
other character than as an official alarm nctioe, pub-
lished by the authority of the President. This takenin
connection with the dolorous forebodings of the President
in his late message relative to the archives, in which he
piteously declares that, "He hopes that we may not yet
have to exclaim in the pathetic language of the sacred
volume: "The harvest is past the summer is ended,
and add, Texas is not saved!" might tend to create
quite a panic in the country, if the real- imbecility
of Mexico were not generally known. We have on sev-
eral former occasions stated our reasons for believing that
Mexico has not the means to invade Texas with a formi-
dable army. We have the most direct information that
the army of Mexico scarcely exceeds 15.000 men, who
are scattered through the principle cities of that country, '
and cannot be concentrated without jeopardizing the safe-
ty of the present dynasty of Mexico. We have also ac-
curate information, that the revenues of that country are
insufficient by several millions to defray the ordinary ex-
penses of the government. It is owing to these pecunia-
ry embarrassments; that the expedition against Yucatan
has been so unsuccessful The forces before Campeachy
are less than 5,000 men, and yet they are sufferings for
want of some of the necessaries of life. How then can
Mexico raise an army sufficient to invade Texas? It is
true thai little parties of 800 or 1,500 men, like those un-
der Woll and Vasquez, may venture to steal into our wes-
tern towns and run away again upon the first appearance
of our troops; but these incursions should not be dignified
as invasions. We again declare there is no danger of an
invasion, if our government will display a vigor and en-
ergy worthy of the crisis. If it will but countenance and
encourage the bands of chivalrous volunteers who are
willing to carry the war into Mexico, the tide of invasion
will be turned from our own shores, and Mexico not
Texas, will suffer from its influence.
The recent inroad of our army, has revealed the impor-
tant fact that the Mexican forces east of the mountains are
unable to withstand an army of 1,000 Texians, and we
have the most positive evidence that with even this small
force under an efficient leader, we could expel the
troops of central Mexico from that section. And as there
is more than double this number of unemployed" young
men in the country, the government could hardly perform
a belter service to the nation than by inciting them, by its
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Cruger & Moore. Telegraph and Texas Register (Houston, Tex.), Vol. 8, No. 8, Ed. 1, Wednesday, February 8, 1843, newspaper, February 8, 1843; Houston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth48220/m1/2/?q=Lamar+University: accessed June 4, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.