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Philip Geyelin 'Re-inventing' an effective Mideast policy
Reacting to the mixed review of
Secretary of State Haig's on-the-scene
inspection of the problems confound-
ing coherent American policy in the
Middle East, a seasoned, well-respect-
ed student of the subject very nearly
shouted the other day:
"Why is it
that with ev-
ery new ad-
ministration
we have to re-
invent the
wheel?" C
The "wheel
in question, to
be sure, is an
extraordinarily
complicated
and delicate piece of machinery. It
can't run on dogma or grand strategy.
For it to work at all requires sober,
steady recognition of all the political,
military and economic forces at work
in the area stretching from Israel to
the Persian Gulf, now broadened by
the Reagan administration grand de-signers to include Turkey, Pakistan,
and Afghanistan.
Solutions are always fiercely con-
troversial, and easy prey to partisan
politics. Hence a powerful impulse at
the start of any new administration to
innovate. Richard Nixon tried studied
neglect until the area exploded into
the October, 1973, Arab-Israeli war.
Only then did he turn to the hard
business of Henry Kissinger's shuttle
diplomacy.
Jimmy Carter, thinking big, went
for the sweeping "comprehensive" so-
lution by trying to bring the Soviets
into the act. That backfired by out-
raging the Israelis. But it also encour-
aged the breakthrough in Jerusalem
that led to the considerable, though
more modest, Camp David break-
through.
Thinking even bigger, the Reagan
administration came on strong, initial-
ly, with an approach that seemed to
shove the Arab-Israeli conflict- aside,
as a matter of secondary importance
to what an official State De rtment
spokesman was describing, in advanceeof the Haig tour, as "the deteriorating
position of the West vis-a-vis the So-
viet Union." The East-West element
was to be given "the highest priority
in that region at this time."
But just recently, after Haig's re-
turn, that same spokesman was insist-
ing to me that the secretary "doesn't
set one priority higher than any oth-
er. He believes that East-West securi-
ty concerns and the Palestine issue
are mutually reinforcing, that you
can't make progress without making
progress on both." That, he added,
had been Haig's view all along.
Why quibble; if that is the State
Department's view, the "re-inven-
tion" process is under way in what
strikes me as an encouraging fashion.
Immutable facts of life - Israel's sup-
port for the Camp David process,
Saudi Arabian preoccupation with Je-
rusalem and the Palestinian cause,
King Hussein's disinterest in a "Jor-
danian option" for dealing with West
Bank occupation by Israel -,are be-
ginning to sink in.
In those terms, Secretary Haig's in-ability to establish in any public way
a "strategic consensus" on the Soviet
menace is only a failure in the sense
that in the advance billing he may
have needlessly set himself up for a
fall. As one wise Arab diplomat put it,
"He had his strategic consensus all
along, if by that you mean that there
is general agreement, at least among
the Saudis, the Egyptians, the Jorda-
nians and the Israelis, of a Soviet
threat. The only way he can lose it is
by talking about it so much."
If that lesson has indeed been
learned, then you could count the
Haig inspection trip as a success - as
the 'State Department clearly does.
The secretary, they insist, was cor-
dially received; he ' struck up good
working relations with the top people
in the four countries (Egypt, Israel,
Saudi Arabia and Jordan) that he vis-
ited. The private talks went much
more smoothly than some of the pub-
lic disclaimers of his Arab hosts
suggested.
But there remains disturbi g evi-
dence that however much iaig'shand may have been strengthened in
the fashioning of realistic and work-
able Middle East policy for the Rea-
gan administration by his face-to-face
encounters, the "re-invention" process
still has a distance to go.
The evidence is to be found in a
general tendency, centering in the
White House and in the President
himself, to cling hard to the concept
of the East-West conflict as the over-
riding Middle East concern to the vir-
tual exclusion of the Palestinian issue.
The President, according to reliable
sources, still thinks - and startles
visiting foreign dignitaries by talking
- of the Palestinians as "refugees,"
as he was wont to do in last year's
campaign.
But exhibit A in the evidence of
misplaced emphasis on military pres-
ence and military solutions to deter
the Soviets is nowhere more alarm-
ingly demonstrated than in the ad-
ministration's apparent determination
to sell enormously sophisticated, com-
mand-and-control, early-warning
AWACS aircraft to Saudi Arabia. TheIsraelis, says an official, will oppose
this enhancement of Saudi air power
"with all our vehemence." A rough,
probably losing, fight looms for the
administration in Congress.
Either way it turns out - Israel
enraged or Saudi Arabia denied - is
a poor way to advance the process of
"re-inventing" an effective approach
to Mideast policy.
0 1981, The Washington Post Company
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Rice, Dale. [Clipping: Educating the educators about homosexuality], clipping, April 19, 1981; Dallas, TX. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1787411/m1/2/: accessed July 8, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting UNT Libraries Special Collections.