Course 2, Volume 1A. American Foreign Policy in Growth and Action Page: 218
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AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN GROWTH AND ACTION
Arthur controversy supplied valu-
MacArthur able ammunition to the foes of the
hearings administration and of its foreign
do not alter policies. How effective this opposi-
fundamental tion was when the presidential cam-
constitutional paign of 1952 rolled around is a
control of matter for analysis and researchers.
military by There is no doubt that much anti-
civilian administration sentiment was con-
authority centrated among those who disre-
garded the constitutional questions
and saw only the personalities involved-the
valiant "old soldier," the loyal Chiefs of Staff, the
"Inexperienced" President, the "distrusted" Sec-
retary of State, the lesser figures (both sycophants
and upright servants of the people). Whether the
handling of the MacArthur incident weighed
largely in the defeat of the Democrats at the polls
in 1952 is hard to say-so many other factors be-
came involved as the campaign progressed. But
the removal of General MacArthur did not end
the question of bombing Manchuria, or of sup-
porting Chaing Kai-shek. And, just as surely, it
did not end the war in Korea. For while the sena-
tors queried and the public clamored, the war
went on.
8. Negotiations for a Korean Truce
While the MacArthur inquiry claimed public
attention in the United States, events in Korea
and in the UN took a course which eventually
led to a slowing down of hostilities in the field.
Some of these events.had their beginnings before
the recall of General MacArthur, but it has
seemed more proper to insert that episode into
the story and then to retrace steps to pick up
the narrative from the early months of 1951. The
main military chronology of the first half of
1951 has already been indicated. We now turn
to the diplomatic side of the picture.
In January 1951, with military
Red China successes as a background, the Red
demands seat Chinese demanded that the UN re-
on move Nationalist China's delegate
UN Security from the Security Council and seat
Council held by a representative of the Peiping
Nationalist Communist regime in his place.
China The Red Chinese case was strongly
supported by Andrei Vishinsky andby delegates from the Soviet satellite members.
The Security Council went so far as to invite a
Red Chinese group, headed by Wu Hsiu-chan,
Mao Tse-tung's foreign minister, to appear at the
UN and present its proposals. The debate was
vigorous and acrimonious, but finally the Se-
curity Council declined to unseat the Chinese
Nationalists." In the midst of the debate, Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India and repre-
sentatives of an Arab-Asian bloc of twelve nations
made separate suggestions on terms for a cease-
fire in Korea which would be agreeable to the
Chinese Communists.
Failing to get approval for a proposal to set
up a truce commission, the United States dele-
gation, on January 30, 1951, succeeded in hav-
ing a resolution naming Red China
UN General as the aggressor in Korea adopted
Assembly by the Political and Security Com-
brands mittee of the General Assembly.
Red China The vote was 44 to 7 with 8 na-
as an aggressor tions abstaining. On February 1,
1951 the General Assembly voted
by the same margin, 44 to 7, to brand Communist
China as the aggressor.45 This action by the UN
was regarded as a distinct victory for the free
nations, and especially for the United States. The
resolution as adopted provided for a 14-member
committee to consider collective action against
the Chinese in Korea and a three-member com-
mittee to seek a peace settlement. During Feb-
ruary several other UN actions bolstered the
prestige of the free nations at the expense of the
Soviet bloc. But almost always there was a "third
force" or neutral group, led by India and includ-
ing a number of the smaller countries of the
Middle East and Asia which often held the bal-
ance of power.
On May 18, 1951 came another significant vote
in the General Assembly when an arms embargo
against Red China was adopted by a margin of
47 to 0, with 13 members abstaining. There was
no punitive clause in the resolution but all ad-
44Since China was a charter member of the UN and of the Se-
curity Council the question could not be solved by a proposal to ad-
mit the Red Chinese to the UN, for this would be vetoed by the
Nationalist representative onthe Security Council, and probably
by the United States also. Thus, the only way would be for the,
Security Council to vote to substitute the Red for the Nationalist'
delegate.
45Voting in the negative were Burma, Byelorussia, Czechoslovakia,
India, Poland, the Ukraine, and the U.S.S.R. Abstaining were Af-
ghanistan, Egypt, Indonesia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sweden, Syria,
Yemen, and Yugoslavia.218
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Air University (U.S.). Extension Course Institute. Course 2, Volume 1A. American Foreign Policy in Growth and Action, book, April 1959; Alabama. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1077937/m1/232/?q=%22~1%22~1: accessed July 16, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting National WASP WWII Museum.