The New Ulm Enterprise (New Ulm, Tex.), Vol. 38, No. 34, Ed. 1 Thursday, May 27, 1948 Page: 6 of 8
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THE NEW ULM ENTERPRISE. THURSDAY. MAY K, IMS
UNCERTAINTY:
CLASSIFIED
■
Just about all that anyone was
Series of Contradictions
Marks Political Campaign
Eastern Hotspot
OVERTURE:
REAL ESTATE—
FOR SALE—MISCELLANEOUS
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von SAU1 BxMUMt twt» Cmana. IM
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the way for a
SMOKE, SMOKE, SMOKE
SUBSCRIBE
Americans Burning More Cigarettes
To Your
HOME TOWN
PAPER
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KOREA
if4RN SPENDING MONK
of the White House, newly-
after the destructive fire set
such a
the Re-
CANADIAN PAKMS-WriW w N»
FREK INFORMATION oa farm Mttte-
of tracks and
of the federal
Truman
for an
to con-
thli
to
that
that
Latest area to emerge as a
pivotal point in the world-wide
drive against communism is south-
elect 200 representatives
is known as the Korean
assembly. Prior to th#
Communist - trained
the
de-
of
the
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y
But some observers feel as News-
week magazine expressed it some
time ago: "Stassen’s forthright quest
for votes may end much of the tradi-
tional coyness of aspirants. In the
future, it’s thought that more can-
didates will frankly announce their
intentions well in advance of elec-
tion.” Well, maybe.
There is plenty of old-line resent-
ment against Stassen, not only be-
cause he began an open campaign
so early, but also because of the
efficient, powerful, highly-organized
and aggressive machine he has
built up. A right wing Republican
I spoke to recently seemed especial-
ly resentful, grumbling about the
“big money” backing Minnesota's
ex-governor, and the New York
banking interests “that wanted in."
Senator Taft was reported so
furious over Stassen’s invasion of
Ohio that it was thought that he
might forget his rivalry with
Dewey and throw his support to
the New Yorker earlier in the
convention if the deadlock was
certain..
All this talk AGAINST candidates
is interesting psychologically.
You always hear far more rea-
sons for voting AGAINST a candi-
date than you hear for voting FOR
one. It's a very good thing that no
candidate is ever quite so bad as
his opponents claim he is. Other-
wise the government would fall
apart regularly every four years.
In President Lincoln’s time, most
of the speeches were made in the
open air without benefit of public
address system or microphone. Now
all you really need is a few friends
who can make themselves heard in a
■moke-filled room.
School for the Deaf
Alexander Graham Bell, Scottish
educator, arrived in the United
States by way of Canada in 1871. In
1872 he opened in Boston a school
for the deaf and others with defec-
tive speech.
THRILLING GIFT FOR
GRADUATES!
total output of 370 billion cigarettes
last year was S per cent greater
than in 1940.
"Per capita cigarette consumption
in the U. S. has followed aa upward
trend, with minor Interruptions,
since prior to World War J,” the
bank reported. On a per capita
basis consumption jumped from IM
tn 1914 to 2,400 In 1947.
Sen. Robert Taft’s presidential
star once again was in ascend-
ancy following the important Ohio
primary election of 53 Repub-
lican national convention dele-
gates. He won 14 of the 23 con-
tests in which Harold E. Stassen
was a strong disputant.
liberal drowinx terooaL Write or win
GaaHlon lotanutloMl Ufa loaoroweo Co-
Polysyllabically, John L. Lewis
and Gen. Douglas MacArthur have
something in common. Perhaps
Lewis should run as MacArthur’s
vice president. Think of all the
sonorous five-syllable-word state-
ments they could get out.
lion registered voters went to the
polls to
however, particularly those in the Taft corner, are very bitter about it,
not because they think that Stassen will get in, but because of the way
he has served to block the Taft efforts—despite the fact that the efforts
have been labelled, rightly or wrongly, futile from the beginning. Deweyites
don't admit they are worrying — butl
A. U- W <0 OIW, Wei W.
proofed, 4a kua laterio*. roonUp ralleanaaS
an4 SICS MILLING CO,
DIXIE:
Anti-Truman
Although President Harry Truman
had not held forth publicly on the
subject of civil rights for some time
now, the echoes of the civil rights
program he advanced earlier this
year were rattling around like
sabers south of the Mason-Dixon
line.
Alabama voters. had expressed
themselves as being anti-Truman. In
the state’s primary election they
had given majorities to candidates
pledged to cast electoral votes
against the President because of the
civil rights issue.
It was the first concrete indica-
tion that a bdlt from the regular
Democratic party nominee might
not be unlikely next November if
the nominee (like Mr. Truman) is
committed to supporting the civil
rights program.
And in Jackson, Miss., a "state’s
rights" Democratic rally was key-
noted with a flat prediction that
President Truman would not be re-
elected because he is not acceptable
to the nation or the southern Demo-
crats.
Gov. J. Strom Thurmond of South
Carolina defined the South’s stand
when he told the rally that the South
is not in revolt against the Demo-
cratic party but against its present
leadership.
Spark that kindled the political
fire in the South was Mr. Truman’s
espousal of proposals to pass fed-
eral laws outlawing lynching, poll
taxes, job discrimination and segre-
gation of races. Legislation like
that. Governor Thurmond asserted,
would violate the historic principle
of the right of states to determine
their own attitude toward such mat-
ters.
So far it was only talk, but anti-
Truman feeling had crystallized in
the South to the point where party
leaders were badly worried. If
Dixie Democrats carried their
faction to the ultimate point
nominating their own candidate,
big-wigs might as well throw in
sponge for the '48 elections and start
looking to 1952.
Concealed Losses
When half of the Plymouth col-
ony of Pilgrims died during their
first winter in America, the sur-
vivors levelled the graves and
sowed them with grain in the spring
to conceal their losses from the In-
dians.
national
election,
agents were reported to have been
attempting to stir up trouble in the
U. S. sone to influence the bal-
loting.
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WHEAT;
Bin Crop
Word from the department of
agriculture was that the U. S. would
produce the third largest wheat crop
in history this year.
The department stuck to that pre-
diction even though it had reduced
its estimate of the important winter
wheat crop by 14.5 million bushels
from the April 1 estimate.
Except in parts of the southern
great plains, the crop made good
progress, it was revealed in an offi-
cial department report.
As of May 1, prospects were for a
total of 1.117 billion bushels of
wheat. Largest crop was 1.36 billion
bushels last year. Production in the
1936-45 period averaged 890 million
bushels.
Department of agriculture estimat-
ed the fall-sown winter wheat crop
at about 845 million bushels, a de-
cline of 14.5 from its April 1 fore-
cast. No official estimate of spring
wheat was available, but a guess
was that average yields should pro-
duce 272 million bushels.
PLANTLIFE:
Appetites
Atomic scientists have learned
that some plants, like human be-
ings, are finicky eaters.
This new knowledge, important
commercially, is the result of ex-
haustive tests with radioactive iso-
topes of phosphorous.
Now science can tell a farmer
who spends IM to put phosphate fer-
tilizer on his land whether the
plant only nibbles or takes a bite
big enough to repay his expenses.
reap healthy chieko IN* Uro dello-
rantoOd. We ship C. O. D.
WILL-O-MONT HATCHBBY
1JT1 WIHaawat Arras.
Telephone Invention
Alexander Graham Bell verified
the principle of the electric speak-
ing telephone at Boston, June 2,
1875. This date usually is accepted
as that of the invention of the tele-
phone.
rail union leaders—Alvanley Johns-
ton of the engineers, D. B. Robertson
of the firemen and A. J. Glover. Jr.
of the switchmen—were uncomfort-
ably aware of what happened to the
mine chief when he disobeyed an in-
junction to call off his soft coal
strike.
They knew that if they disobeyri!
Judge Goldsborough’s restraining
order they would be exposing them-
selves and their, unions to whopping
big fines and possible jail sentences.
It was becoming apparent that the
government had . hit upon a hard-
fisted way of delaying crippling
strikes. With labor unrest destined
to grow this summer, that method,
though far from ideal, might come
to be the basic formula for induc-
ing arbitration and settlement of
strikes.
Diamond^
RING 1 i;I4 KT’ciio"/
-------WEEKLY NEWS ANALYSIS ——
Soviets Express lesire for Pease,
Agree to BiscKsioi of Differences;
U. S. Seizes Ra ilroads—Strike Off
Monroe Doctrine
h Reactivated
On Charles street in the sleepy
little town of Fredericksburg, Va.,
in the first floor office of a story-
and-a-half brick house, you can see,
if you obey the parking signs and
stop there, a beautiful brass-bound
mahogany desk, artistic handiwork
of the French cabinet makers of
the early 18th century.
It Is an historic piece of furni-
ture for on its surface 125 years
ago, there was signed a document
which, reactivated today, becomes
at once the challenge and the hope
of free men throughout the world.
That desk, carefully carried across
the seas as a precious heirloom,
found its way into the great, empty
rooms
rebuilt
by an enemy torch in the War of
1812.
• Turn back the pages to December
of the year 1823. At this desk sits
a man in a stiffly-starched stock.
His broad forehead is wrinkled with
thought. His wide eyes look down at
the document he is about to sign.
It is his message to the 18th con-
gress of the United States, but it
embodies the spirit and is couched
in the phrases which his predeces-
sors have used before him expres-
sing the intent and the obligations
of the’ young republic of which he.
James Monroe, is the President.
Two years before, the Czar of all
the Russians had uttered a ukase
that no foreigner must approach
within 100 miles of the American
coastline north of the 51st parallel.
Russia then had a firm foothold on
the northwestern coastline of the
western hemisphere. The iron cur-
tain had descended.
Plus ca change, plus ca reste lax
meme chose!
“We eould not view any interpo-
sition for the purpose of oppres-
sing them (the free countries of
the Americas) by any European
power in any other light than as
the manifestation of an unfriend-
ly disposition toward the United
States.”
■ One hundred and twenty-five years
pass.
Today, the United States, in a
world that has shrunk until Moscow
is nearer to Washington than Bos-
ton was in Monroe’s time, rededi-
cates its resources to “help free
peoples to maintain their free insti-
tutions and their national integrity
against aggressive movements that
seek to impose upon them totali-
tarian regimes."
The words are President Tru-
man’s, but the spirit is the same
as that breathed in the Monroe doc-
trine. America carries on.
By BUI Schoentfcn, WNU Staff Writer
li Whoa aptalaap asa sssw»s»4 la thaw eela—e.
44 delegates to the Republican na-
tional convention and that Harold
Stassen, the wolf at Taft's door, had
captured nine.
How these results ghould be in-
terpreted promised to be a thor-
oughly argued question by the time
the Republicans convened in Phila-
delphia to nominate a presidential
candidate.
Many held the opinion that the
Ohio primary resulted in. if not an
outright defeat for Stassen, at least
a brusque check on the Minneso-
tan's heretofore snowballing cam-
paign.
Stassen had competed with Taft
for 23 of the atate’s 53 delegates.
He won nine and Taft took 14 of
those 23. In a pre-election state-
ment, Stassen had said that the Ohio
contest could be accounted a victory
for him only if he won a majority
of the 23 disputed delegates.
Thus, by his own estimate, Stas-
sen lost in Ohio. He lost, however,
to a “favorite son” candidate strong-
ly supported in his own state by
Ohio’s powerful political organiza-
tion.
It was hardly a victory for Taft to
shout about.
In the final analysis the G.O.P.
election race had not changed much.
It was Taft and Dewey teaming up
to force Stassen into the rail, with
Sen. Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan
coming up fast on the outside.
FARM ISSUE:
Truman**
Rather hard put for a good, earthy
issue to play upon in his coming
campaign. President Truman has
hit upon the farm problem as the
vehicle to carry some of his con-
victions before the public.
He began by planning a message
to- congress on the subject of long-
range agricultural legislation. The
idea was originated by the retir-
ing Secretary of Agriculture Clinton
Anderson who opined that
plea to congress would put
publicans "on the spot.”
The message which Mr.
was preparing would ask
"adequate appropriation”
tinue the government farm program,
“particularly on soil conservation,”
according to Alben Barkley, senate
Democratic leader.
Barkley acidulously recalled that
the President had asked -in his
budget message for 300 million dol-
lars for soil conservation in the
coming fiscal year, and that con-
gress had cut that sum to 225 mil-
lion.
Many U. S. farmers would be
inclined to agree.
In their reply the Soviets con-
trasted what they termed military
threats against the Soviet Union
with the Russian government’s pur-
suit of “a consistent peace policy.”
At least there was a definition
of terms and a preliminary agree-
ment to talk things over. Whether
or not any good would come of it
was, at this stage, problematical.
There was a suspicion abroad
that Russia, balked in its ambitions
to expand into western Europe by
the European recovery program,
might be ready now to try to make
some kind of deal.
ALL ABOARD:
Trains Run
U. S. economy escaped being a
victim of railroad paraplegia at the
eleventh hour when three rail broth-
erhoods yielded to a restraining
order brought against them by the
government and called off their im-
pending strike.
Events leading up to that climax
had run a course which has become
familiar to strike-weary Americans.
Negotiations between the railroads
and the three dissenting brother-
hoods — engineers, firemen and
switchmen—had been fruitless. As
the strike deadline approached they
remained miles away from any kind
of agreement on wages and working
conditions.
By that time President Truman
had built up a full head of steam
and he opened the throttle wide.
Acting under the sanction of a 1916
law which authorizes the govern-
ment to take over the railroads dur-
ing the time of war (U. S. is still,
officially, in a state of wartime
emergency) Mr. Truman seized the
entire vast network
trains in the name
government.
That move paved
court order restraining the unions
from striking for eight days. Fed-
eral District Judge T. Alan Golds-
borough issued the order and the
nation’s trains kept running, for the
time being, at least.
Possibly proving that there is no
wind so ill that it doesn't blow up
some good for somebody, one of the
major influences leading to cancella-
tion of the rail strike was John L.
Lewis, who didn’t have a word to
My about it
But Lewis had set the pattern. The
I talked to one of the Taft men
recently. "What makes me sick,”
he said, “ia the way the people who
have done their
best to break down
Taft are full of
praise for him
now that they
think he is beaten.
They describe his
efficiency, his
knowledge, h i s
frankness, his
grasp of the sub-
jects he discusses.
And they talk
about Stassen’s
vagueness and in-
ability to answer Taft’s charges.”
"And these,” he wound up, "are the
same people who have been shoot-
ing at Taft ever since he started his
presidential campaign.”
There is something in what this
man says. You would be surprised
how many liberals, how many Dem-
ocrats even, praise Taft privately,
would really like to see him elected,
but either they can't quite came out
openly in his favor, or they take
for granted he can’t win anyhow.
Then there is the great group of
Republicans who are going to
vote for Dewey, but act as if they
were gritting their teeth in the
process. “What have you got
against Dewey?” I ask them.
Some are vague, others My the
New York governor is a "strad-
dler ... an opportunist . . . never
comes out for an issue until he
sees a Gallup poll on It . . . bnt I
suppose he’ll win . . Can he?
Since the Stassen hurricane, the
oldtimers are talking a little dif-
ferently about Dewey. Some of them
who have predicted right along that
Dewey would, win now are saying
that Stassen has undermined him so
thoroughly that now Dewey has no
more chance than Taft.
And all the time^the Vandenberg
tide is rising. But here’s an inter-
esting thing. Way back in Febru-
ary some very canny observers
were saying that Speaker Joe Mar-
tin of the house of representatives
had the best chance of anyone for
the Republican presidential nomina-
tion, in case of the expected Taft-
Dewey deadlock.
At the time many people were
surprised at that opinion. But it
wasn’t long before we began to see
mention of Martin here and there.
Then, finally, insiders accepted him
as probably the best bet of the sev-
eral Republican dark horses. I know
I could feel his popularity growing
as I traveled around the country.
But then came the surprise
move when Martin was credited
with bringing about settlement of
the coal miners’ pension row—the
appointment of Sen. Styles Bridges
of New Hampshire as neutral
trustee on the pension board with
John Lewis and Ezra Van Horn,
and the agreement that was
reached between Bridges and
Lewis.
At first the settlement put Martin
in a favorable light with the pub-
lic. Then some of the conservative
Republicans who hate Lewis ex-
pressed their disapproval. There
were hints of a “deal" that had been
reached between Bridges and Lewis
before Bridges was appointed. Dem-
ocrats charged that Martin was poli-
ticking. Horn, representing the op-
erators, appealed to the courts to
declare the pension agreement in-
valid.
Martin’s stock dropped. And the
oldtimers bdfcan to say his chances
for the presidential nomination were
slim. Not so much because of the
pension deal itself, but paradoxical-
ly—and this is one of the accepted
paradoxes of politics—because his
intervention in the row was taken as
a public avowal of his candidacy.
Martin ceased to be a dark horse—
and as a light horse, he wasn’t con-
sidered nearly as much of a favor-
ite.
The paradox applies to Senator
Vandenberg. The Michigan sen-
ator constantly and consistently
has dissvowed any desire or in-
tention of being a candidste for
the Republican nomination. If, ac-
cording to this paradoxical po-
litical rule, the oldtimers say, he
were thrust into the limelight, his
cause wood suffer too. 'At
writing, Vandenberg seems
stand as the No. 1 bet.
Stassenites, - however, claim
this paradox is all old hat:
times and political thinking have
changed. One of the first black
marks which the Republican old
guard checked against Stassen was
' the fact that he came right out as a
candidate way ahead of time. The
traditional thing is to be oh, so coy
about it.
MINI FULLY CUAOAMTftD *r*<af«nt
15-JEWELWRISTWAT[H|3
Cigarette consumption in the U.
8. in 1947 ascended to an sll-time
high tor the 14th consecutive year,
despite spectacular wartime gains
which would have made a subse-
quent postwar decline no great sur-
prise to the industry.
According to an article in the May
edition of "Business Comment."
ulletir of Northern Trust company.
All of a sudden the air between
Washington and Moscow wm filled
with talk of peace and desire for co-
operation.
Exactly what had happened to
bring about the quick flow of the
milk of human kindness between the
U. S. and Russia wm not clear.
Certainly there had occurred no
basic change in the potentially ex-
plosive relationship.
It began with a U. S. statement
of position, voiced by Bedell Smith,
ambassador to Russia, in the pres-
ence of Soviet Foreign Minister V.
M. Molotov.
Smith, apparently speaking offi-
cially, suggested that the way is
clear for a discussion of differences
with Russia. Said the U. S. am-
bassador:
“The present state of U. S.-Soviet
relations is, a source of grievous
disappointment to the American
people. As far as the United States
is concerned, the door is always
eride open tor full discussion and the
composing of our differences.”
Russia's reply, as broadcast by the
Moscow radio, expressed a positive
attitude toward improving Soviet-
American relations and stated that
Russia “is in agreement” with a
U. S. proposal for "discussion and
settlement of existing differences.”
Although these developments re-
ceived a big play in the press and
radio of both nations, indications
were strong that the aura of mutual
hostility separating the U. S. and
Russia might not be dispelled by the
willingness to "compose our differ-
ences."
Neither side had modified its for-
eign policy. Rather, each had em-
phasized it in the exchange of notes.
The U. S. statement said, in part:
“The concern and the determination
of the people of the United States
have been intensified by the inexpli-
cable hostility of the Soviet govern-
ment to the European recovery pro-
' gram—a measure which in its in-
ception and subsequent develop-
ments is so obviously only a meas-
ure of American assistance for re-
construction on a co-operative basis
without menace or threat to any-
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The New Ulm Enterprise (New Ulm, Tex.), Vol. 38, No. 34, Ed. 1 Thursday, May 27, 1948, newspaper, May 27, 1948; New Ulm, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1215644/m1/6/: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting Nesbitt Memorial Library.