The Labor Dispatch (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 5, No. 18, Ed. 1 Friday, April 30, 1915 Page: 4 of 12
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4
THE LABOR DISPATCH, GALVESTON,
TRAINING THE CHILDREN
WARNS AGAINST IMPOSTER
1 ■ '
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DETECTING SPOTTERS
i
THE OHIO COAL MINERS
PENSION MOTHERS
merely giving the workers
“free” contract.
The Washington Evening
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One Year ..
Six Months .
Three Months
Say; IwouLDNT buy
THAT HAT! IT AINT
UNION A ADE '
THAT I S
AQIN' TH’LAN’
$1.50
1.00
.50
Editor and Publisher.
Phone 409.
Uhe Cabnr Bisnatrh
Formerly The Galveston Labor Dispatch
J. W. YOUNG
Office 212 Tremont Street
an opportunity for
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... Entered as second-class mail matter September 21, 1912, at Post-
office in Galveston, Tex., under Act of March, 1879.
"-ubkriberidpnootearzosivettheir paper by Saturday morning at
sent by special messenger. ater than 5 P.m. and same will be
“FREE” CONTRACT A MYTH
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Pennsylvania has joined the ranks of the
states that provide pensions for the dependent
mothers. A sum of $800,000 has been set aside
for two years and the only expense out of that
fund except for pensions is the salary of one
woman at $2,00 per year to act as field super-
visor. The boards of trustees in each county
act without compensation.
The solid support of organized labor aided
considerably in securing the passage of this hu-
mane measure, insuring more and better pro-
tection for the mothers that are left dependent.
F There are many others in the land just like
of th"a, ready to grab themselves money out
the trouble of the workers, whether organ-
or unorganized, and unionists need to be on
. constant watch for them.
That the Western Union Telegraph company
not only maintains a system of spotters, known
as a special agents department, to spy on em-
ployes with regard to their union affiliations,-
but that the policy of the company is to fight
the union with all of the powers at its command,
to discharge operators who are members of the
union, and to refuse to deal with union officials,
was the frank statement of President Newcomb
Carlton of the Western Union made before the
United States Commission on Industrial Rela-
tions.
President Carlton made no attempt to conceal
the hostile attitude of his company toward un-
ionism. He said that hundreds of operators had
been discharged for membership in the union
and that many of these had later been refused
employment by certain telegraph companies
controlled by the Western Union.
At the same hearing President Konenkamp
of the Commercial Telegraphers Union testi-
ried, stating’ that the maximum salary for an
operator in New York is $100 per month and
that this ranges down to “zero,” those who
v oi k for nothing for several months in
order to get into the service. Increased wages
were always followed by a speeding up and in
the blanch offices many times the operators
work thirteen hours a day for seven days in
the week.
The unoinist* also went into details regarding
the spy system used by the company, saying
that the only remedy for the present evils is
the right to organize, and that the right to
organize is all that the telegraphers have ever
asked.
Perhaps the frankness of President Carlton is
commendable, but if so, that is the only com-
mendable feature of his testimony. That such
conditions exist is bad enough, but when the
employers are openly proud of them, it is time
for unionists to get together.
Paa wise,'
) ,NEw
)SRRING
SLyLEs
TEXAS, FRIDAY, APRIL 30,1915.
Times justly sums up this situation as follows:
The average American family is usually reckoned at
five members. This would make the total number of
persons dependent on the earnings of organized labor
about 10,000,000. One person in every ten in our coun-
try is intimately interested in the prosperity or welfare
of organized labor. Moreover, outside the organized
trades, in occupations which it has not been possible
to unionize, there are millions of workers whose wages
and conditions of work are indirectly influenced by the
conditions that have been secured in the organized
trades.
The importance of this united bodv of workers and
voters is apparent even to those short-sighted persons
who are opposed to a democratic influence in industry \
No one who is not already familiar with the history’
principles and program of organized labor should lose
the good opportunity now presented, by the federation’s
exhibit at the exposition, to become so. The policies of
the American Federation of Labor are a good deal more
important to us than the policies of Great Britain or
Germany. If it helps to solve the great problem of
peaceful industrial development, as it surely is doing,
it is worth sympathetic and broad-minded study
This legislative action had at the instigation
of the employers of women and children is just
the old, old story of an attempt to exploit the
women and children for greed. It has not even
the virtue of a new garment to partially conceal
its identity. The exponents of greed have al-
ways made their one big cry the right of the
worker to independently make his or her own
contract, irrespective of all others, and presum- •
ably without a uniform scale of wages, but
whenever this is permitted by law, or rather
not prohibited by law, the employers have
taken good care that the wage scale is very uni-
form and uniformly low.
THE AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT;
ITS MAKEUP AND ACHIEVEMENTS
tatusEdansrassstatemmpBonsappsrtaodinsnssaractrupnezepun
its being brought to the attention of ’the Taragemnecocrected upon
SPECIAL NOTICE
GEE,THE BOSS 15 GONNA’GEr »y
He'S BIN VoLATIN’ that
SHRRMANANT4TRuSr LAw,,
o®‘
42*
409/
WESTERN UNION ADMITS ITS ANTI-
UNION ATTITUDE
The Union label is growing more popular in
this city every day. Real union men, members
of real union organiaztions, are demanding the
label on everything they buy, and the result is
rapidly apparent; the merchants are carrying
larger and better lines of union made goods.
The locals are falling readily into the label
boosting agitation and are forcibly going on
record against their members wearing anything
that does not bear the label.
Get in line while you have time. Ask for the
label and get it. Unless you do buy label goods
you are employing non-union labor in the pro-
duction of the articles bought, and injuring your
own cause.
Certain state legislators of New York for
certain” reasons have advocated amending the
canneries law of that state so women and chil-
dren may work twelve hour a day. These ad-
vocates of the amendment claim that this is
6,z
The existence of the organized movement in 1907 as
well as its existence today, has been and is the most
potent force in our country to prevent the establishment
of conditions that would or will re-act to the great detri-
ment of the working people of our country. During the
financial panic of 1907, the determination of the labor
movement to prevent, to resist at all hazards any at-
tempt to reduce wages was a clarion call to the work-
ers and a warning to the employers that they must not
app-y in our time the old methods of meeting the de-
fects or the faults of their own planning.
The A. F. of L. and the bona fide organized labor
movement are more concerned in doing the actual work
of alleviating the present bad conditions than in pro-
mulgating programs. It is the easiest thing in the
world to promulgate programs which are but simple
idle, elusive words and mean nothing to the people.
The A. F. of L. is not a perfect organization and has
not formulated a theory or program for the elimination
of every human ill. The A. F. of L. favors a provision
to the effect that all persons employed on government
work shall be engaged directly by the government, and
shall not work more than eight hours a day, nor less
than the prevailing union wages.
The Federation has not declared itself in regard to
the establishment of employment bureaus and the
loaning of money, without interest, to states and muni-
cipalities for the purpose of carrying on public works
but it favors any tangible, rational purpose that would
help to meet and solve the question of unemployment.
It endeavors to improve the condition of the working
people in every field of human activity, to promote and
advance their rights and interests.
The Federation is in favor of absolute freedom
press, speech and assemblage. It stands for freedom
of speech, freedom of press, freedom of assemblage, and
has undertaken great risks to assert and maintain these
rights. In addition to this, the A. F. of L. looks ask-
ance upon any effort to curb the inherent as well as the
constitutional rights of free press, free speech and free
assemblage. It holds that though these rights may be
perverted, may be improperly exercised, exercised for
unlawful purposes, yet these rights must be interfered
with in advance. The right of assemblage, the right of
free expression by speech or through the press, must be
untrammeled if we are to maintain a republican form
of government. If anybody utters that which is libel-
ous, seditious, or treasonable, he may be and must be
made to answer for those transgressions, but the right
to free expression of opinion must be unimpaired. The
A. F. of L. has stood and will stand unalterably and un-
equivocaoly in favor of free assemblage, free speech
and free press.
The A. F. of L. favors unrestricted and equal suf-
frage for men and women, and has done much to ad-
vance their cause.
It favors the initiative, referendum and recall. It not
only adovates these measures, but'a member of an af-
filiated, Mr. James W. Sullivan, was the author of the
first book published in the United States upon direct
legislation, the initiative and referendum.
The A. F. of L. has not taken any official position in
regard to the system of proportional representation.
The proportionate representation employed in voting in
the convention of the A. F. of L. is not proportional
representation as that term is usually used. Propor-
tional representation denotes a system by which votes
are cast and rights are exercised by represntativs in
proportion to the total numerical strength of the consti-
tuents.
)SHR
ANT/.A
A3,
R SuPREme
CoURy
(Continued from last week)
By SAMUEL GOMPERS
ofthe-manhood and womanhood of the men and women
of the A. F. of L. Thot these resuts have been accom-
plished through the initiative and voluntary association
of the workers precludes the question of having legal
enactment for the same purpose. In addition, the giv-
ing of jurisdiction to government and to governmental
agencies is always dangerous when it comes to govern-
! ing the working people.
The A. F. of L. favors a system of non-contributing
old-age pensions for workers who have reached a cer-
tain age to be established by legal enactment and main-
tained by governmental machinery. The Federation
avors a general system of state insurance against sick-
ness, disability, and accidents. It has not endorsed
state insurance of unemployment. In regard to the
problem of unemployment the Federation proposes to
shorten the workday of the employes, that they may
share with the unemployed the work that is to be per-
formed and thereby tend constantly toward the elimina-
tion of unemployment. The American workman re-
fuses to regard unemployment as a permanent evil at-
ending the industrial and economic forces of our
country. The American workmen propose to share
work with those who are unemployed and thereby to
help to find work for the unemployed.
The A. F. of L. encourages and stimulates the work-
men in their efforts to secure a constantly increasing
share in the products of labor, an increasing share in
the products of labor, an increasing share in the con-
sumption and use of things produced, thereby giving
employment to the unemployed, the only effective wav
by which that can be done.
Just as I mentioned a short while ago, when one be-
gins to particularize, to leave anything unmentioned is
interpreted as a limitation. But the sum total of the
activities of the organized workers to meet the prob-
em of unemployment is not encompassed by what I
have already said; it includes every method possible for
human activity. It might mention the undertaking of
great public works, but again I am particularizing,
which a delimitation. I do not believe that I should be
placed in the position of having my entire method of
attacking the unemployment problem limited, narrowed
and misrepresented by a statement made upon the spur
of the moment.
General Organizer Hugh Frayne of the A F
of L stationed at New York City is endeavor
ing, through the labor press to warn all union-
ists against a certain imposer, Leonard Fresina
who succeeded in stirring up a lot of unpleasant
feeling during the recent strike of the chemical
tor er at Roosevelt, New Jersey. His report
° IP of—headquarters is both detailed and
ters wL shows the need of giving such mat-
wide publicity lest others'be fooled by this
01 Other imposters. It followed in this instance
at Fresina was arrested fo1 inciting a riot
sued by th facing trial. Circulars have been 15
uedba the resina Defense Fund Committee”
asking aid in freeing the man and in this circu
to th isintimated that the A. F. of L. only goes
e efense of those wearing a certain brand
unionism. It declares the A. F. of L. will not
that in th is instance, but its authors also say
that Fresina was not and is not a member of the
American Federatin of Labor
General Organizer Frayne’s report shows
that Frisina worked himself into the po"S
graces of some 600 strikers, despite the 4
hat only about 70 were Italian, and got him
self placed on a salary by the strikers. Frayne
hadstwqspecia men °” the ground constantly
to aid the strikers and offered to send Italian
interpreters there and do much more for them
but through the influence of Frisina they n
dined these offers. Frisina also had a letter
written by the strikers to Frayne demanding
hat inasmuch as a salary was to be paid these
men who were offered, this salary be paid to
im instead. Organizer Frayne refused this de-
mand, giving the strikers the ultimatum that
unless they immediately got rid of this man he
would withdraw the organizers and notify all
trade unions that were contributing financially.
Organizer Frayne has the record of this man
anditsshws that he usually works himself into
some such position at every sign of trouble
managing to get himself well paid for his intr
ference. When the strikers are unionized, he
h buYhetimes put himself seriously up gainst
* but he has always managed to seek out the
unorganized who have trouble and work into
their good graces.
In testifying before the United States Indus-
trial Relations Commission, Business Agent
John G. Taylor of the Oakland, California, ma-
chinists, said that there were three ways in
which spotters engaged in disrupting unions
generally operated.
One method of the spotters is to gain mem-
bership in a budding union and then promote
quarrels, by his wiles setting Jew against Gen-
tile, Italian against Austrian, and so on, thus
greatly weakening the strength of the member-
ship and creating an air of distrust which in-
jures the local.
Another system is to be a “good fellow"
spending money so lavishly that all who try to
keep pace with him will soon find themselves so
financially embarassed that they are readily
open to suggestions of treachery to the union.
The third system is discouragement. The
man is a professional pessimist, stored with ob-
jections to every action the union would take,
and in reality injecting to unionism itself on
every count. He predicts nothing but trouble
for organizations which try to compel powerful
corporations to grant their men their rights.
While all “spotters” may not work on such
well defined lines, it is certain that such meth-
ods of procedure are sometimes very effective.
It is equally true that very member of organized
labor that advances such theories as outlined
above may not be a spotter, but he is surely not
a real good member of unionism and not one
to perform great good in the progress of organ-
ized labor.
If all loyal unionists would take care to shun
such individuals, whether they are spotters or
just naturally playing the role, the outcome
would be beneficial and results for the good
could not help following.
Unionists of Washington state have decided
upon a plan for instilling into the children of the
workers the principles of trade unionism, thus
early giving them the right conception of work
and the rights of the workers. “Blue Cross
Leagues” are being organized over the state,
and the children of unionists are enlisted into
these societies where the first principles of
unionism are taught them. These children sign
cards, reading:
“I believe in union labor: Because the union helps
my father to get higher wages and to work shorter
hours, and these help him to provide a more comfortable
home for my mother, my brothers and sisters, and for
me; because the union wants all children to be kept in
school and at play, and not be driven into the sweat
shops and factories during the school age; because the
union helps to get fair treatment, and I believe in fair-
ness in play, work, wages and in everything; and, when
I grow up, if I am a awge earner, I intend to become
a member of a union.
Such organizations among the children can-
not but help the cause of unionism in bettering
working and living conditions of the workers.
It may take a long while for the effect of this
movement to begin to be felt, but once felt it
will be everlasting and is something that could
be inaugurated in every state and community
with equally good results.
winter alike. They have had the moral support
of all branches of organized labor and they have
had some substantial financial aid from others,
but they are now asking more substantial aid
from the other, for they, wi-h others, believe
that organized labor must win this great fight
unless its progress is to be effectually stopped
and set back many years.
A publicity program conducted personally by
President Albasin of the Ohio Mine Workers of
District No. 5, United Mine Workers, is bringing
good results already as the labor press of the
land is giving it full space. These articles out-
line in full conditions of the miners and what
they are facing, and should be given attention
by every member of organized labor. The
second appears in this week’s issue of The Labor
Dispatch.
> E,
comrE.ckw
x
Subscribers who change their address, or fail to get their naner
rewuladreshguld immediately notify this office, giving both old and
For a full year the coal miners of Ohio have
gone through every form of privation in their
struggle to secure from the operators the “mine
run” system for which there has been some
form of struggle since 1883. These miners will
not return to their work until the mine run sys-
tem is established, for only through it can they
hope to get fair pay for their work. The hard-
ships of a long, hard winter have failed to
diminish their ranks, and with a full determina-
tion to win employment conditioned upon the
honest weighing of all coal mined, they have
started in the second year of their great
struggle.
The laws of Ohio favor the miners, but they
have not been enforced, and even now the opera-
tors are striving to have these humane laws re-
pealed.
During the past year these miners have en-
dured every hardship known to mankind, going
half fed and half clothed through summer and
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Young, J. W. The Labor Dispatch (Galveston, Tex.), Vol. 5, No. 18, Ed. 1 Friday, April 30, 1915, newspaper, April 30, 1915; Galveston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1447675/m1/4/: accessed August 15, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting Rosenberg Library.