Brownwood Bulletin (Brownwood, Tex.), Vol. 66, No. 285, Ed. 1 Monday, September 12, 1966 Page: 3 of 8
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Weak Candidates
A Qood Many Questions
"‘Down, Boy!"
Hurt GOP Chance
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The Russians have been trying to
populate Siberia for generations.
The czars, and after them the Com-
munists, did it by force. The vast land,
half as large as the United States, was
a handy natural prison for criminals
and political undesirables.
Today they are still trying, but for
different reasons.
The Nazi invasion taught the Rus-
sians the danger of concentrating their
industrial complexes in the West. Si-
beria is fabulously rich in untapped
mineral resources. Not least, there are
700 million reasons to the south—the
crowded and no longer friendly Chi-
nese who, the Kremlin fears, may one
day come to abhor a relatively vacant
Siberia on their border much as Mo-
ther Nature abhors a vacuum.
The methods are different, too. Of-
ficial propaganda extols the natural
beauty of the land as a vacation and
living place. Prospective settlers are
offered a number of attractive finan-
cial inducements. Patriotism is ap-
pealed to.
In recent years, hundreds of thou-
sands of Russians responded voluntar-
ily or not so voluntarily to the call of
“Go east, young man.”
Unfortunately, in the same years at
least tens of thousands of them have
left harsh and primitive Siberia and
come back to the fleshpots of the west.
The Soviets don’t reveal the figures,
but there is evidence that labor turn-
over is a serious problem.
America was in a similar situation
a hundred years or so ago. Like the
U.S.S.R., the U.S. government also of-
fered inducements to settlers to go
west. There was one fundamental dif-
ference, however.
American pioneers were offered land
—land that they could own and pass
on to their children, and the freedom
to enjoy whatever fruits of that land
they could coax out by their own la-
bor.
The result was that a continent
which Jefferson thought would take a
thousand years to fill up was settled
in a century.
Land and freedom. It is too much
to expect the Communists to adopt
such revolutionary ideas.
But if they really wanted to popu-
late Siberia, they could easily drain
western Russia of people overnight in
the greatest migration in history.
the Mediterranean and Asia to the
East Indies.
It was a massive shifting of the
earth at a point along this line that
took some 3,000 lives in Turkey re-
cently.
Fortunately, such disasters are rel-
atively infrequent. Only about 1,000 out
of the 500,000 temblors detected by
seismograph stations around the world
each year are severe enough to cause
damage.
Seismographs, however, record
earthquakes only after they happen.
A series of laser interferometers along
an earthquake belt, the Boeing scien-
tists believe, could continuously probe
and chart the system’s strains.
There is nothing men can—or should
—do to prevent Mother Earth’s rest-
lessness. Were it not for the constant
uplifting of the crust, all land would
long ago have been eroded by wind
and rain and conquered by the sea.
But the laser now shines as a light
hope that we may eventually be able
to predict the time and place of the
these convulsions and save uncounted
lives in the future.
There seem to be no limits to the
potential of the laser, that intense
beam of man-made light created in
the laboratory only a few years ago.
One possibility that could be an in-
calculable boon to mankind is to use
the laser to predict earthquakes.
For the past two years, physicists
from the Boeing Scientific Research
Laboratories in Seattle have been suc-
cessfully measuring movement along
earth faults in California, using a las-
er beam in a specially designed in-
terferometer.
The device works by measuring the
diference in phase of a light wave
crossing a fault from that of a beam
which does not cross it. It can detect
movements of the earth of less than
a millionth of a centimeter. Even
smaller measurements may become
possible. Build-up of these infinitesi-
mal strains is thought to precede a
major shift of the earth's crust along
a fault line.
There are 20,000 miles of major
faults around the Pacific Ocean alone.
Another zone extends from the West
Indies all the way across the Atlantic,
This he has had in various ways-
approval of military budgets, the Gulf
of Tonkin resolution and Senate ratifi-
cation of treaties directly or indirectly
committing the United States to de-
fend South Viet Nam against aggres-
sion.
Barbershop discussions notwithstand-
ign, “Mr. Johnson s War” is also Mr.
Congressman's war. And both are ul-
timately answerable to the wishes of
the people.
hand-to-hand combat. Since
the Congs who were not killed
or captured did not have the
guts to stay and see what an
American looked like, they
report the Americans cannot
have the courage for close
combat, or they would not
have utilized such appalling
firepower.
Every combat officer worth
his salt, American, Vietnam-
ese, friendly or Cong, con-
stantly reminds his men and
himself that the other fellow is
out to kill. Never sell him
short. Our side (both sides
are saying) has some advan-
tages that we can and do use.
But the enemy has some ad-
vantages also. He is clever
and we must be constantly
alert.
Thus, among embattled
troops there always evolves a
wholesome respect for the
enemy that becomes, in time,
no less than saturnine admira-
tion. Moreover, it is a good
excuse for failure to capture
an objective or to complete
a mission.
Can a battalion commander
admit he was stopped by a
poorly armed, cowardly rab-
ble?
Thus, we have acquired our
image of the Viet Cong. He
was most likely giving our
South Vietnamese allies top
billing as fighting men, until
our TV provided the Hanoi
home front with magnificent,
made-in-America pictures and
script to the contrary.
rly had for-
:ing with her
1940s she
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basket.
r, had not
The parking meter may be going the
way of the old hitching post.
The American Automobile Assn re-
ports a trend toward the removal of
these coin-fed sentinels in many U.S.
cities. The purpose, of course, is to
lure customers back to urban business
areas.
In a study of 42 cities by the asso-
ciation's Traffic Safety and Engineer-
ing Department, it was found that 35
had removed all or most of their curb
parking meters.
Among the other findings of the sur-
vey:
Most of the cities are under 25,000
population—although one, St. Peters-
burg, Fla., is over 180,000.
Retail sales didn’t noticeably in-
crease after the removal of the meters.
The loss in annual parking meter rev-
enue has varied between $1,000 and
220.0000.
The majority of cities did not alter
parking time limit—usually two hours
—when meters were removed.
It's a good try, and it may be too
early to make a final judgment, but
it seems obvious that the cities need
a lot more answers to the competition
of suburban shopping centers with the
convenience and unlimited parking.
.ines
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THESE SUDDENLY dra-
matized broadcasts have cre-
ated one question that merits
an answer: Why is it that the
Viet Congs are such crafty,
cunning, competent and vici-
ous fighters and our Vietnam-
ese are such reticent, ineffect-
ive troops.
Don’t worry. The Viet Congs
are telling one another and
reporting back home that the
South Vietnamese are the best
trained, best equipped. tough-
est native soldiers in all Asia.
They are saying the Ameri-
cans have such appalling fire-
power. of which they admit
fear, there is no chance for
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WHO HURT MOST
The question, of course, is who he will hurt most.
One veteran Idaho onlooker thinks Samuelson will be
the worst sufferer, but this view is by no means
general.
At a recent meeting, Idaho’s AFL-CIO refused to
endorse Herndon and almost backed Swisher, a labor
favorite. Labor leaders may yet swing behind him,
as some local councils already have done. Naturally,
labor defections from Herndon would do him no good.
Swisher, a GOP progressive who was state Senate
architect of Idaho’s controversial three per cent sales
tax (up for referendum vote Nov. 8), also could pull
support form sales tax advocates and teachers who
see that revenue as vital to educational expansion.
This backing would otherwise appear to be Herndon’s,
since Samuelson voted against the tax and against
various education and welfare bills.
"Remember the good, old days, when you could count on
tonign films boing tha only sexy onos?'
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By RAY CROMLEY
WASHINGTON (NEA)-If Defense Minister Lin
Piao, Red China’s new heir apparent, reasons the
same as he did 21 years ago in Yenan, he’ll attempt
to get the United States more thinly spread out mili-
tarily.
The U.S. Army stationed me at Mao Tse-tung’s
headquarters for eight months in World War II to
observe.
Militarily, the Lin Piao this reporter knew in
Yenan was no reckless man.
He believed it foolhardy to insist on fighting when
defeat was certain. He was against head-on military
collisions against superior forces.
RELISHES SUBTERFUGE
The personal military victories he relished were
victories of strategy in which he had used subterfuge.
They were battles in which he had caught the enemy
unawares and attacked him in the vulnerable rear.
In territory in which he was surrounded by enemy
units, he would spot and “annihilate” an enemy unit
separated from its main forces. He would lure enemy
units into a trap.
Lin Piao believed the only way to defeat a su-
perior enemy was to get him to overextend himself.
That meant manipulating the war politically and mili-
tarily so as to get the enemy’s troops stretched out
so far that its military force in an area couldn’t
apply enough leverage to win.
No matter how strong the enemy, Lin believed,
it could be overextended. He believed that a good deal
of the maneuvering to get the enemy to overextend
must be accomplished through political and propagan-
da warfare.
PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE
Part of that overextension would be accomplished
by psychological warfare which would insolate the
enemy from his natural allies locally where the war
was being fought and internationally.
Applied to the Japanese in World War II, this
meant luring Japanese troops more deeply into wider
areas of China. This inevitably created animosities be-
tween the Japanese and the local people. It overex-
tended the Japanese units so that they ended up in
control only of the major towns and cities and the
major roads and rail lines over a very wide area.
This left the Communists free to operate and organ-
ize politically and miltarily in thousands of rural pock-
ets where millions of Ohinese lived.
In any barbershop discussion of Viet
Nam. someone invariably takes the
stand that we should either declare
war on the Communists and do the
job right or get out. Either we are at
war or we aren t at war.
This thinking is shared by many
Americans along with misgivings that
the President has willfully bent the
Constitution to involve this country in
a situation that is a war in every-
thing but name.
An expert with the Hoover Institu-
tion on War, Peace and Revolution at
Stanford University answers both con-
tentions with what seem like convinc-
ing arguments.
Formal declaration of war in Viet
Nam would be politically and strate-
gically unwise, says Stefan Possony.
Such a step would be as much an esca-
lation of the conflict as the use of
nuclear weapons, he believes.
A formal declaration “would render
far more dificult, if not preclude, ne-
gotiations aimed at . . . compromise
solutions. It might also set in motion
alliance treaties on the hostile side.”
There is also the question of whom
we should declare war on. Technical-
ly, he says, “a declaration of war
can only be served on a state. The
United States cannot possibly declare
war on the Viet Cong because they
have no international standing.”
This is not the first time the United
States has been involved in “nonwar
hostilities.” Between 1793 and 1801,
there was undeclared war between us
and France. Even in the Civil War,
Congress was unable to declare war
on the rebelling states.
In all, nearly 200 military actions
have been ordered by American presi-
dents without the benefit of a congres-
sional declaration of war.
Since the Constitution has no criteria
for distinguishing between a war and
a military action, as a practical mat-
ter all the President needs is con-
gressioni support, says Possony.
X/2&
IT IS REGRETTABLE that
the South Vietnamese Army
is not endowed with an officer
corps at all levels compar-
able to those of our own army,
the Australians, or even those
of the Korean formations.
But were they in a class
with the Australians, the
South Vietnamese would not
need our help. And it took
much patience, the crucible of
352882 V5
- iai.- "
a bitter war and a long, arm-
ed truce (that has not ended)
to produce the quality of Ko-
rean troops now in the the-
ater of war.
As for the Viet Cong. Though
it is well to recognize their
cunning and to admire flashes
of courage when they find
themselves isolated by cur-
tains of firepower and no
place to go, it should be kept
in mind that they too have
an appalling desertion rate.
Untold numbers from Viet
Cong regiments simply fade
into the jungles to find tem-
porary homes in villages,
farms and larger towns of
Laos and Cambodia. Others
disappear from their units to
pass as South Vietnamese.
The erstwhile trickle of de-
fectors, seeking refuge (of all
places) in American Prisoner
of War compounds, has now
grown into a steady and in-
creasing stream.
It is easy to exaggerate our
own troubles, particularly
when a despotic opponent is
home-front admissions of jus-
tified concern at all levels of
society in Hanoi.
By BRUCE BIOSSAT
WASHINGTON (NEA)—The Republican party ia
1966 seems on the way to repeating in some measure,
an old pattern—here and there picking weak candi-
dates for top office just when the outlook for a sizable
upturn looks bright.
Some party professionals will acknowledge private-
ly that over the years this unhappy circumstance has
cost the GOP many governorships and Senate and
House seats which were either in their hands or ripe
for the plucking.
REVIVES HOPES
Consequently, the professionals were upset early
this summer when Minnesota Republicans chose as
their governorship nominee one Harold Levander,
widely viewed as the frailest of several prospect.
Independent appraisers think his nomination sharply
revives hopes of the badly riven Minnesota Demo-
crats.
They hold to this judgment even if the badly
battered Gov. Karl Rolvag should beat Lt. Gov. A. M,
(Sandy) Keith in the Sept 13 primary Keith was
named over Rolvaag in a stormy convention in June.
The situation in Idaho is perhaps even more to
the point. By an astonishing 62-38 margin. Republican
voters named a colorless state legislator, Don Samuel-
son, to be their 1966 governor nominee in place of
three-term Gov. Robert Smylie.
Smylie obviously had come to the end of the road.
But he also was given a hefty shove by vengeful
Goidwaterites who sought his downfall at all costs. In
their book he is an enemy moderate.
MAJOR CONCERN
What causes concern in national GOP circles is
that they put their chips on a candidate whose po-
litical salability they themselves appear to doubt
One month after his whopping victory, Samuelson
is getting no real build-up at all. During the primary,
he shunned television and seldom advised the press
where he would be campaigning. He is hardly more
than a shadow figure.
Suddenly, too, the Republican waters in Idaho have
been roiled even more. State Sen. Perry Swisher of
Pocatello has announced his governorship candidacy
as an independent Republican.
On the likely assumption he gets the 1,000 signa-
tures needed to give him a place on the ballot, Swish-
er could become a major factor in the race. His next
hurdles will be money and organization.
If he clears those, the judgment of Idahoans queri-
ed from here is that he may pull substantially both
from Samuelson and the Democratic nominee, Charles
Herndon.
ACTUALLY, all this is not
news to many who have mili-
tary experience and contacts,
but who, from a sense of re-
sponsibility, have declined to
write about it.
These weekly essays have
hinted of it a number of
times. But when your coun-
try is in a war, publicly be-
laboring and down - grading
your major partner is not the
quickest way to win.
Moreover, we were
thoroughly acquainted with
their shortcomings as soldiers
when we teamed up with
them. Otherwise, why did we
ever extend military assist-
ance, complete with equip-
ment and instructors, in the
first place? Partnership
warfare is like warfare in
marriage. It is an agreement
for better or worse that turn-
out to be worse.
Mutual abuse and recrimi-
nations never solved the prob-
lems of any alliance, be it
military or matrimonial.
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By JIM DAN HILL
It is now suddenly proclaim-
ed, largely by television, that
the South Vietnamese are not
good soldiers.
Tens of thousands, under
their own officers but with
supervision by Americans,
take the weapons, squad and
platoon training. A few
months thereafter less than
half the trainees are in com-
bat formaitons.
It is not that they defect
to the enemy. They just fade
back into the agricultural
population of rice growers
and jungle squatters. The
polyglot labor market of the
towns and cities, flourishing
under the stimulus of the
American war effort, absorbs
scores of thousands.
Additional thousands evade
the South Vietnam draft.
More and more, we are sud-
denly told by TV coverage,
that the South Vietnamese
have decided it is America’s
war after all. Why should they
fight when America is going
to win the war for them?
Much blame is also placed
upon the indifferent qualities
of leadership found among
South Vietnamese army of-
ficers. They do not concern
themselves with the welfare
of their men.
Pay is low, about ten dol-
lars a month on the average.
About half of that goes to
buy the soldier's food. The of-
ficers control the supply.
When leave is available, it'is
through favoritism. Mail serv-
ice is nil. Many AWOL's and
outright desertions are for
family reasons.
Dear Editor:
I should like to take this
opportunity to express my sin-
cere appreciation to The
Brownwood Bulletin staff.
Through your support and co-
operation you have helped in
our efforts to make Brownwood
schools more effective in the
community.
We trust that this relation-
ship will continue to exist
Thomas Tope Jr.
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Fisher, Norman. Brownwood Bulletin (Brownwood, Tex.), Vol. 66, No. 285, Ed. 1 Monday, September 12, 1966, newspaper, September 12, 1966; Brownwood, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth1490169/m1/3/: accessed July 18, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting Brownwood Public Library.