The Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 11, No. 39, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 29, 1892 Page: 9 of 16
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"V' Sept. 29, 1892.
SOUTHEKN MKKCUKY.
9
T
HOGGISM SHOWN UP.
Those who believe that Gov.
Hogg is the champion of the labor-
ing classes should call to mind a
few facts connected with his past
record.
In 1886 the Farmer's Alliance
and other labor organizations de-
clared in favor of a railway com-
mission. The idea was very un-
popular at that time in legal cir-
cles, and Governor, Hogg was no
exception. During the session of
the 21st legislature a railway com-
mission bill was discussed for many
days; members who favored such
a measure waited on Mr. Hogg
who was then attorney general,
and asked his opinion. Mr. Hogg
informed them that he could draw
a bill, not longer than his finger,
that would effectually settle the
difficulty. By request he did so,
and the bill was passed, and after-
wards was known as the "anti trust
law," out of which Hogg manufac-
tured so much political thunder,
and from which the people expe-
rienced no relief.
By the first of the year of 1890,
through the efforts of members of
the Alliance and other labor
organizations, public sentiment
was generated demanding a railway
commission. Mr. Hogg forthwith
declared himself a candidate for
governor, and in his opening speech
declared emphatically |in favor ot
an effective railway commission.
He entered upon a vigorous cam-
paign, with the railway commis-
sion as his battle cry. During his
campaign he never seemed so
happy as when telling how the
people were being robbed by rail-
way kings and that if justice was
meted out they would be wearing
stripes in the penitentiary, instead
of Tiding over the country in palace
cars. He deelared that if elected
he would put them in there and
protect the people against further
spoliation.
Having been twice elected at-
torney general, the people believed
him and ralied to his standard,
nominated and elected him by a
larger majority than any candidate
ever received in a state election.
One ot his first official acts was to
recommend that the public school
fund, that sacred trust provided
and delivered to us by the fathers
of Texas to be handed down un-
impaired to our children, be loaned
to railroads.
: This complete change of front
dumfounded his supporters. They
understood that certain parties in
Galveston were trying to raise
funds to build a coastline road
from Galveston westward, and an*
other from Galveston to Tyler, or
in that direction. Seeing Col.
Gresham, who was then in the
legislature, and for many years
known all over the state as the
leading railway lobbyist and rail-
way manipulator, flop, all at once,
to Hogg, as well as some leading
manipulators in Dallas, the people
thought they saw a deal in it and
they exclaimed: "We have been
sold out, and with one accord left
the Hogg camp.
Instead of trying to reclaim their
support, his next step was to try
to destroy organized labor within
the state. To accomplish this ob-
ject he took into his inner council
seven or eight men who had been
elected as Alliancemen, but who
only joined the order to ride it
into office, and who were satisfied
they could never again secure the
vote of the membership. He also
selected three or four others who
had been virtually kicked out of
the order for flagrant disloyalty to
its principles. This conclave was
augmented by a few outsiders who
feared that unless the Alliance was
disrupted it would destroy their
political prospect. Their first plan
was to destroy the characters of
the most trusted officers and rep-
resentatives of the order, and by
doing this demoralize the member-
ship. Failing in this, their next
plan was to organize a scab state
alliance, start a newspaper in Dal
las backed by plenty of money. All
of which was promptly done, but,
like all the rest of Hogg's schemes,
they failed.
The question suggests itself just
here, why should Hogg do these
things? There is but one answer:
The Farmers' Alliance and other
labor organizations were the first
to repudiate Hogg's railroad loan
scheme, and he knew that as long
as the order remained intact it
would prevent him and his pets
from raiding the treasury and de-
spoiling it. His wild cat state
banking scheme would be just the
thing to accomplish it.
The Mercury now warns the
people of the danger of re-electing
Jas. S. Hogg. If they do, and he
can by any kind scheme, wheedle
or bulldoze the legislature into
loaning the children's money to the
very men whom he denounced
during the 1890 campaign as fel-
ons, he will do it.
John P. St. John says, "I am
familiar with the political situa-
out west and am confident that the
peoples party will carry Kansas,
Coiorado, Idaho, Nebraska, Mon-
tana, California and the two Dak ci-
tas. If they loose California and
Montana it will throw the eleotion
in the House *
THEY WILL NOT UNDERSTAND.
It is strange that American
statesmen do not comprehend the
labor movement is fast compassing
the earth, taking into its ranks the
millions of toilers of every clime
and every country. It is mobil-
izing them into a vast army for
defense, in spite of the combined
efforts of plutocrats and their hire-
lings.
It will not avail to say that
laboring people are too ignorant
and unlettered to successfully con-
duct a government of the kind
proposed by the fathers of the
American k constitution. These
dissatisfied sons ot toil are not ig-
noramuses; neither are they knaves.
They are not easily led astray by
the fulsome flattery of the practiced
politician, nor are they overawed
by his spacious sophistries. They
are ever ready to give a reason for
the demands they are presenting
to the people, and can clearly show
the effect what would foliowif these
demands were adopted. Organized
labor is anxious to submit these
demands to the scrutiny and test
of reason, and if found weak or
worthless, they will cheerfully
adopt any other plan that will
bring permanent and prompt relief
to the oppressed of our country.
They ask: "Equal justice to all.
Exclusive privilege to none." This,
and nothing less will satisfy ihem.
In view of these conditions, how
futile it is to attempt to destroy
this movement by denunciation,
villification, slander or coercion.
Like begets like the world over.
'Tis true, by tyranny men may be
forced to meet in barn®, under the
cover of night, and discuss their
grievances in whispers, for fear of
being overheard, discharged and
their helpless dependants caused
to suffer for bread in consequence,
as they are now doing in Pennsyl-
vania, or be shot by Pinkertons or
bayonetted by militia, as has re-
cently been done in Pennsylvania
and New York.
But what will be the conse-
quences? The law in nature is
that the rebound will be equal to
the impact. Every good citizen
should aid in removing the causes
which produce such ^deplorable
conditions.
The paramount question is, will
the rich, powerful and learned of
this day learn anything from the
awful lessons contained in the his
tory of the past, or will they, like
their predecessors, persist in their
haughty blindness, till they drag
civilization into the deep and dark
valley of physical revolution? As
lightly as they may esteem it-, the
producers of wealth in these United
States may, at no very remote pe-
riod, teach our domestio plutocrats
the hard and unpalatable lesson
that George Washington taught
the arrogant English aristocracy.
The world will learn, willingly
or otherwise, that no power under
heaven can perpetually compel the
many to submit to unjust spolia-
tion by the ♦ew. It the people
would open their eyes they would
behold conditions that never ex-
isted before. The plan hitherto
has been for political leaders to
formulate the questions for the
people to wrangle over. Now or-
ganized labor promulgates the is-
sues for politicians to wrangle
over. The masses are educating
the classes in the science of human
government, and are rapidly pre-
paring the minds of the masees to
rule tte nations. In this way they
propose to secure that j"stioe that
t'eir own common sense teaches
them they are entitled to. In this
effort they aTe sure to suoceed,
peaceablv if they can, forcibly if
they must.
HOGG'S TACTICS.
Gov. Hogg and his cabinet have
exemplified the old saying that,
"Whom the gods would destroy,
they first make mad."
In all their campaigns they have
declared that Hogg's poli *y is to
"squeeze the wind and water out of
corporate stocks." To this policy
they are unalterably wedded—«o
they say. Now, in the face of all
this, it will be seen that the state
bank plank in the Hogg platform
provides for the establishment of
the worst form of "watered stock."
What are the people to think of
the sincerity of men who declare
that they intend to squeeze all tbe
wind and water out of corporate
stocks, yet endorse the establishing
of state banks of issue, permitting
them, as in days of yore, to issue
"three" dollars in paper promises
to pay, for every "one" dollar in
coin they possess?
Any intelligent person, acquaint-
ed with Hogg's methods, knows
that, these privileges would be
promptly farmed out to political
favorites, and that these gentlemen
would promptly issue from three
to five paper bills for every coin
dollar they owned, or could bor-
row, and loan it out to the famish-
ing people, so as to derive from
80 to 50 per cent per annum on
the actual cash invested.
How Hogg must have grunted
and rubbed his fat sides wnen un-
folding this brilliant scheme to his
cabinet? How their mouths must
have watered as they anti cipated
the rich milk pouring into their
pails!
W ith this advantage of law, how
long would it take the people to
oust the Hogg dynasty? How
long would it take the Hoggocracy
to own the state? Yet this, and
the absorption of our sacred school
fund, is precisely what Hogg in-
tends if eleoted. Farmers, laboring
men think of this! Save the state
and our school fund by electing
Nugent,
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Park, Milton. The Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 11, No. 39, Ed. 1 Thursday, September 29, 1892, newspaper, September 29, 1892; Dallas, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth185484/m1/9/?q=%22~1%22~1&rotate=90: accessed July 16, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; .