The Rice Thresher (Houston, Tex.), Vol. 55, No. 9, Ed. 1 Thursday, November 9, 1967 Page: 2 of 12
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editorial
threshing-it-out i
the rice thresher
When the Yale faculty voted last week to adopt a
version of the pass-fail grading system in place of a
sixty point numerical system, we were struck with the
contrast of an Old Established Ivy at the forefront of
innovation and our own younger, and presumably more
flexible, institution still unwilling to risk laying down the
whip.
Yale was, of course, merely the first of a large
number of schools already experimenting with limited
pass-fail options to make complete conversion to the
numerically non-specific grades. But as evidence in fa-
vor of the system mounts, other schools such as Prince-
ton, Stanford, Berkeley, the University of Michigan,
Brandeis, and Caltech can also be expected to drop their
experimental programs in favor of full-scale pass-fail
grading.
Meanwhile here, at what was once almost indecently
referred to as "the Harvard of the South," the faculty
is still unable to convince itself that fewer grade differ-
entiations would ease the frustration that alienates stu-
dents from a true intellectual life, that pass-fail would
reduce the dropout rate as it did at Caltech, that it
might reward students for experimenting rather than
for following the safe "crib" course approach, and that
it might finally help produce a breed of self-motivated
student-scholars rathed than our present number-paralyz-
ed "weanies."
There is no excuse other than inertia for the failure
of Rice to lead the trend toward evaluative rather than
quantitative grading. Numerous proposals have been
made to take the grade-orientation out of education, and
always, whether in the case of the old Woodward Plan
or the new and extremely hopeful college seminar idea,
the faculty has religiously ignored.,or struck out most
attractive grading features.
Sooner or later the University will adopt a pass-fail
grading system. But its adoption, following as it will the
example of the truly great institutions of higher educa-
tion, will reflect badly on the foresight of the men and
llie institution that resisted so long.
Ci%eCev<ztit
Heaven knows we've never asked much from our student
senate—-a resolution here, a proposal there, and always those
Tuesday night meetings with their painfully predictable consen-
sus. The "real work" of the senate, they've always told us, takes
place behind the scenes in committees, not on the floor. And after
attending a couple of meetings, we've had no choice but to agree
on that point.
Imagine our surprise, then, in hearing that the august little
body had awakened from its somnambulence this week, engaged
in what clearly ressembled a floor fight, and actually defeated
something in its very first split vote of the year. What dangerous
new issue we wondered, could have aroused such passion, such
activity ?
Unfortunately nothing new was responsible—just the old
wornout problem of the relation of the Rice student government
to the outside world.
The specific issue was whether to send an observer to the
National Student Association "Student Power" conference in
Minnesota later this month. The principal objection was the spe-
cific topic, felt to be "irrelevant" at Rice by a number of senate
members who argued that sending an observer would be a waste
of money. £
Somehow we suspect that the concern over economy and rele-
vance actually arose from the severe NSA-phobia that is rooted
on this campus.
Anyone who suggests in the 1960's that the relation of stu-
dents to university power structures is not a relevant topic has
clearly not been doing his homework either in the history of Rice
or of American educational institutions in general. "Student
power"—however crudely formulated an idea it may presently be—
is clearly relevant. What is worth debating is whether it is suf-
ficient for understanding and solving the myriad shortcomings of
an educational system that is having serious difficulty defining
its relationship to the puzzling college student of the late twen-
tieth century.
The NSA was criticized before the referendum last year be-
caus it extends its vision to "irrelevant" issues such as the Viet-
nam war. In this one senate decision of the year we see that the
antipathy toward the organization is likely the manifestation of
a more general parochialism. The senate finally prefers not to
associate with the NSA on any topic, even one obviously relevant
and possibly beneficial.
Gustafson denies 'moral hypocrisy' of radical left
To the Editor:
Professor Harwood's charge
of "moral hypocrisy" against
the "radical left" (or some
among them) appears very se-
rious. (Threshing-it-out, Nov.
2.) As a charge against the New
Left and most who adopt that
label it is also fatuous.
It isn't clear against whom
the charge of hypocrisy is
aimed. If he means anyone who
both avows a hatred of war for
no other reason than its violence
and avows sympathy with those
social revolutions which involve
violence for no other reason
than their violence, then while
his charge of hypocrisy is sus-
tained, it is surely trivial.
Anyone who is witless enough
to avow an explicit contradic-
tion is hardly worth such con-
cern. I should think it unfair
to identify the so-called New
Left with such views. Professor
Harwood must be aiming at
someone less witless. But to the
extent that we attribute mini-
mal rationality to his targets—
and hence justify his interest
and concern—his charge fails.
He says that those "who hate
war but feel tolerance—indeed,
sympathize—with social revolu-
tionaries are easy targets . . ."
They are easy targets because
he attributes to them the view
that war (or violence) is never
justified, under any imaginable
circumstances. But surely one
can hold that violent revolution
is prima facie evil and that it is
nevertheless justified if it is
the sole means likely to correct
traditional economic inequities,
injustice and oppressive insti-
tutions.
Surely these views are not
contradictory; someone who
avows them is not thereby a
hypocrite. There is, of course,
a difficulty concerning the view
that social revolution (not pal-
ace revolts, rebellions, or mili-
tary coups that do not alter the
social structure) are in princi-
ple justifiable.
The difficulty is in spelling
out the criteria for "the sole
means likely to achieve a just
distribution of goods, rights and
optimistic liberty." But this is
not an insurmountable diffi-
culty. Like most such issues it
involves historical judgment, not
conservative slogans about the
inalienability of property rights
and the superiority of individ-
ualism.
Far from being hypocritical in
avowing contradictory views,
the New Left is one of the most
significant expressions of dis-
satisfaction with the ideology
ridden pseudo-solutions of re-
cent administrations. Hence the
New Left's impatience with and
mistrust of Liberalism, New
Deal .policy and so on, to say
nothing of the Republican Party.
The core of the New Left is
made up of workers and organ-
izers, not theorists. The workers
and organizers are the people
(mostly under 30) who work in
the various locally inspired pov-
erty programs, both in the cit-
ies and places like Appalachia,
some who have returned from
the Peace Corps, some of the
Vista workers, and some of the
Vietnam Summer organizers.
They have little use for the
ideology of the tired American
Communist Party with its dying
hope for a viable, traditional po-
litical organization. (The Na-
tional Conference for the New
Politics rejected the idea of a
third party and a national tick-
et.) They have little interest in
the Liberal-Conservative de-
bates in terms of which most
social problems are still de-
scribed.
This is part, at least, of
what's new about the New Left.
It sees the problems in terms of
human needs and "whose got
the Power" to relieve them, not
in terms of the Liberal-Conserv-
ative great concensus. Charges
of hypocrisy are empty, since
the charges depend largely on
outmoded ideological alterna-
tives.
DONALD GUSTAFSON
Visiting Professor of
Philosophy
Harris criticizes mayor's performance at riot hearing
To the Editor:
I have always regarded the
office of mayor of this teeming
hick town as a relatively insig-
nificant position generally rele-
gated to such innocuous and
amiable clowns as Roy Hof-
heinz, Oscar Holcombe (now
famous for the street of the
same name), Louis Cutrer, and,
of course, Louie Welch, all of
whom seemed to be fairly harm-
less except for small amounts
of graft (generally only run-
ning to five or six figures.
Recently, however, I have had
a sharp'reversal of opinion due
primarily to the uprising of last
spring and Louie's subsequent,
and somewhat less than stellar
performance before that time
honored body, the "senate sub-
committee on permanent inves-
tigations" chaired, of course, by
the venerable Sen. John Mc-
Clellan (D-Ark.).
Louie, apparently, wants every-
one to know that a "terrible sit-
uation" existed down here at the
time of the TSU riot. He fur-
ther claims that certain popular
figures connected with the local
O.E.O. made such "inflamma-
tory" statements as:
"When is your racist mayor
going to wake up to the fact
that this town is going to burn
down if he doesn't do some-
thing?" (Cf. the November 3
issue of that bastion of local
liberality, The Houston Post).
Louie, cleverly ignoring the
content of this statement, and
apparently concentrating on its
form (thereby becoming camp,
I suppose) proceeded to take
action, having the grand jury
bestow a few ill-deserved laurels
on the Houston Police Force and
their prestigious leadership
(Short Herman), praising them
for their noteworthy attempt at
preventing the TSU students
from destroying their own TV
sets, etc., by offering them com-
fortable (although vulnerable)
accommodations on the grass.
* ■
Later in the show, a police
officer by the name of M. L.
Singleton claimed that Carl
Moore, SNCC member and local
anti-poverty worker, made a
few more "inciting" remarks to
an attentive audience on a street
corner on July 24 (i.e. a few
days after the TSU riot). When
asked for a transcript of these
statements, Singleton, not wish-
ing to unfairly incriminate any-
one, decided that these remarks
only tended to incite riots "to
a certain degree." (Cf. Post,
11/3 again, sec. 1, p. 11.) He did
not specify whether he was
measuring in degrees Fahrenheit
or degrees centigrade, however.
The Southwest Director of the
0. E. 0. has since indicated that
Mr. Moore may have been a
secret agent for the city. Louie,
not exactly disagreeing, stated
that he had had a few conver-
sations with Mr. Moore.
After the riots of last spring
and the subsequent garbled ac-
counts thereof in the local rags
iif which the armed enforcers of
the "law" were completely vin-
dicated with respect to any un-
necessary violence they may
have committed in the line of
duty, it is comforting to note
that Louie now thinks that the
local anti-poverty efforts are
correctly directed (away from
the TSU area toward River
Oaks, no doubt).
The point of all this garbage
(in case you missed it, which is
conceivable) is that an election
for "mayor" is coming up next
week (Sat., Nov. 18) and that
those of you who can should vote
(I realize that most of you are
under 21 and therefore do not
have the maturity, intelligence,
and judgment to cast a rational
vote). I would also like to point
out that one of our old friends,
Louis Cutrer, is back for a sec-
ond try and perhaps should be
given some consideration. (I ad-
mit that there is not* much to
be said for Cutrer, but a choice
is a choice.)
Perhaps even more important
is that the local representatives
of the right (as opposed to left)
organized in a somewhat contro-
versial group known as the
Houston School Board are also
up for an n'th try along with a
few "good guys" (notably Mrs.
White and Dr. Oser). It will be
remembered, I'm sure, that
these are the fellows who wisely
decided to place certain elemen-
tary school children on an in-
voluntary reducing plan by re-
fusing aid from the Federal
School Lunch Program last year
to prevent the contamination of
the minds of the kiddies by for-
eign ideas fi-om Washington.
In conclusion, I wish to sug-
gest (mainly so I won't be ac-
cused of being totally irrelevant
to the Rice Community) that
since there is an impending
general local election (or two)
the Thresher (ah!) might at-
tempt to say a few words about
the "Candidates."
MILTON HARRIS
Baker '68
Ensey lambasts forced integration
To the Editor:
I read the article and editorial
on integration problems at Rice
with much indignance. It seems
as if Rice is trying to enter
itself in a "Have the Most Ne-
groes" race with other univer-
sities. The reason why more
Negroes aren't accepted is that
they don't have the proper edu-
cation.
There is no reason why Rice
should assume the burden of
improving secondary school ed-
ucation for .Negroes. We are
only weakening the academic
foundation of the university if
we attempt to "make mental
adjustments" for those who are
not Rice material.
Even of those Negroes ac-
cepted, a high percentage have
not been able to cope with aca-
demic problems. Rice is a center
for excellence in education and
not a civil rights battleground.
JOHN ENSEY
Will Rice '70
the rice thresher, november 9,1967—page 2
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Hancock, Darrell. The Rice Thresher (Houston, Tex.), Vol. 55, No. 9, Ed. 1 Thursday, November 9, 1967, newspaper, November 9, 1967; Houston, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth245013/m1/2/: accessed June 20, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting Rice University Woodson Research Center.