The Frisco Rustler (Frisco, Tex.), Vol. 47, Ed. 1 Friday, October 3, 1941 Page: 2 of 8
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THE FRISCO RUSTLER,
:*sss
'-M
Hitler-Mussolini
Ignore Roosevelt
World Peace Plea
President Sounds Alarm as
Aggressor Nations Arm
For Conflict.
By special arrangement with Col-
lier’s Weekly and Western Newspa-
per Union this newspaper presents
in condensed form, the fourth in a
series of articles by President
Roosevelt currently appearing in
that magazine. The articles are
taken from the President’s newly
written introductions to forthcoming
volumes of his state papers.
THE FIGHT GOES ON—IV
‘War and Neutrality’
By Franklin D. Roosevelt
(O
an'
prod
elt
le-
rbidden.)
T N 1939 there started another gen-
I eral war, for which Germany
1 had been preparing since 1933,
and for which Italy and Japan had
been preparing for years before. It
is a war which had been definitely
and unmistakably foreseeable since
1936, when the Nazis marched into
the Rhineland.
I think that historians will record
the fact, that, ever since 1933, the
United States and its government
had persistently and actively sought
to prevent this conflict, and to pre-
serve peace in the world. This
search for peace was the very key-
stone of our entire foreign policy.
It was dictated not only by' a nat-
ural humanitarian desire to prevent
the bloodshed and horrors of war,
but also by a realistic appreciation
that any European war would be a
definite danger to our own peace
and security, and to the welfare of
the entire Western hemisphere.
In other ways, too, the govern-
ment of the United States actively
sought to preserve the peace of the
world. The two great obstacles to
world peace in modern times have
always been: first, the piling up of
armaments, particularly weapons of
offense; and, second, the erection of
tariff barriers to prevent reciprocal
trade and commerce between na-
tions.
With respect to disarmament,
this administration took the lead as
For two years, from October in 1937 to September in 1941, President
Roosevelt broadcast repeated warnings that America could not escape
European internal troubles and pleaded through state notes to Hitler and
Mussolini, for a world peace conference. The dictators scorned a direct
reply. Hitler (right) views a part of his mighty air armada in 1940,
which was even then blasting Old World cities in his effort to conquer
more land for the Reich. Mussolini, (left) assumes a characteristic
pose, as he addresses the Italian people on the eve of war. The Chief
Executive sent a message to all important powers in Europe on August
24, 1939. A second urgent note was delivered to Hitler alone, on the next
day. Exactly one week later, war was declared. The swastika, mark
of the Germans, shown at the right of the picture, floats over crushed
Paris, with the famed Eiffel tower in the background. The French fought
fiercely but accepted an armistice on June 22, 1940. Since that date the
war has spread almost entirely over the face of the globe, even affecting
the normal life of American citizens, thus carrying out President Roose-
velt’s prophecy in Chicago, in 1937, that unless present European condi-
tions were remedied, America would eventually have to face the proU
lems arising from acts of aggression.
It was later that I pointed out
that the recent systematic violation
of treaties, the indiscriminate bomb-
ing of civilians, were wiping away
the very landmarks of law, order,
and justice which had characterized
our civilization. I warned that “if
those things come to pass in other
parts of the world, let no one
imagine that America will escape,
that America may expect mercy,
that this Western hemisphere will
not be attacked.” I called upon the
peace-loving nations to “make a con-
certed effort in opposition to those
violations of treaties and those ig-
norings of humane instincts which
today are creating a state of inter-
national anarchy and instability.
Presidential
“A war which had been defi-
nitely/and unmistakably foresee-
able since 1936.’-
“With respect to disarmament
this administration took the lead,
as early as May, 1933.”
“The peace of the world was
being jeopardized by a handful of
relentless men.”
“In my annual message to the
congress on January 4, 1939, I
pointed out that all about us, un-
declared wars were raging.”
“During 1939, in April, on be-
half of the American people, I
Highlights
again sent messages to Hitler and
(Mussolini. I,received tno direct
answer to this suggestion for
world peace, from either Hitler
or Mussolini.”
“What I was suggesting was a
peace conference with every-
body’s guns “parked outside.”
“I have had a fine holiday. I’ll
be back in the fall if we do not
have a war.”
“We could not sell a single
plane or tank or gun to Great
Britain or France once war was
declared.”
early as May 16, 1933. On that date
I addressed an appeal to all the
nations of the world in an endeavor
to obtain some definite result from
the disarmament conference which
had been meeting rather ineffective-
ly in Geneva since 1932. Arma-
ments in nondemocratic govern-
ments had been persistently in-
creasing. International trade had
been continually falling off because
of newly imposed quotas and other
trade barriers. In my message to
the nations of the world, I pointed
out that only a very small minority
of governments and of peoples have
any desire for aggression or for
enlargement of their own territories
at the expense of others. I pointed
out that if armament of offensive
warfare were eliminated, the fear
of invasion then held by so many
other nations would necessarily
disappear. I appealed, therefore,
for drastic reduction in offensive
weapons. I also asked that “all the
nations of the world should enter
into a solemn nonaggression pact.”
Cause for War.
In this same message there was
also discussed the necessity of
breaking down international trade
barriers which always go hand
in hand with increase of armaments,
as a cause for war.
The difficulty with this appeal and
with subsequent appeals was this:
although 90 per cent of all the
people of the earth were content
with the territorial limits of their
respective countries, and would
have been willing to reduce their
own armed forces if every other
nation in the world would agree to
do the same thing, the possibility
that the remaining 10 per cent
would seek, by force of arms, terri-
torial expansion into the lands of
their neighbors provided an ever-
present danger which could not be
disregarded by any one.
That small 10 per cent, under
various pleas and pretexts, remained
unwilling to reduce their own arma-
ment or to stop their vast programs
of rearmament, even though the
other 90 per cent were more than
willing.
The peace of the world was being
jeopardized Dy a handful of relent-
less men who sought selfish power
for themselves apparently, Amer-
ican efforts to limit world arma-
ments, to bring about peaceful set-
tlement of disputes among nations
rwere to fail.
“No nation can be safe in its will to
peace so long as any other power-
ful nation refuses to settle its
grievances at the council table.” I
therefore urged again upon the con-
gress the necessity of increased na-
tional defense to protect ourselves
against attack and other forms of
aggression.
Offer America’s Services.
During 1939, on April 14, on behalf
of the American people, I again sent
messages to Hitler and Mussolini,
suggesting another approach to the
solution of the problem of avoiding
war and preserving the press. As
the head of a nation far removed
from Europe, I offered to serve as
a “friendly intermediary.” I asked
for assurances from Hitler and Mus-
solini, however, that their armed
forces would not attack or invade
any of the independent nations of
Europe or the Near East for a
period of 10 years. I stated that
I was reasonably sure that if such
assurances were given, each of the
other nations would give similar
reciprocal assurances. I suggested
that a peaceful discussion follow
this exchange of guarantees, in
which the government of the United
States would be willing to take part
—with two essential objectives in
mind: first, reduction of arma-
ments; second, opening up avenues
of international trade. At the same
time all governments—other than
the United States—directly interest-
ed in territorial and political prob-
lems, could undertake to discuss
those problems in this peaceful at-
mosphere.
In other words, to use a colloquial
expression, what I was suggesting
was a peace conference with every-
body’s guns “parked outside” the
conference room doors.
I received no direct answer to
this suggestion for world peace from
either Hitler or Mussolini.
A few days before, on leaving
Warm Springs, Ga., after a short
vacation, I said: “I have had a
fine holiday with you all. I’ll be
back in the fall if we do not have a
war.” This remark was again at-
tacked by many newspapers and
politicians as war mongering.
I proposed that the community of
nations throughout the world act the
same as communities do when “an
epidemic of physical disease starts
to spread,” namely, join in a quar-
antine “in order to protect the health
of the community against the spread
of the disease.”
During 1938 there came "thq
Czechoslovakian crisis. On Sep-
tember 26 and September 27, 1938,
I sent messages to Hitler and to
the heads of the Czechoslovakian,
British, and French governments,
seeking a peaceful solution of that
threat of war. The particular crisis
was averted, but, as I stated at
the time, “it was (is) becoming in-
creasingly clear that peace by fear
had (has) mo higher or more en-
during quality than peace by the
sword.”
Conditions Grow Worse.
Three months later, at Lima,
Peru, the 21 American republics,
including our own, agreed to stand
together to defend the independence
of each one of us in the Western
hemisphere. That declaration at
Lima was a further step toward
continued peace and common de-
fense in this hemisphere,' but it did
not have any 'effect, on '(natters in
Europe. In 1939 international af-
fairs in Europe grew steadily worse.
That is why I was so anxious in
July, 1939, for the congress to repeal
the arms embargo provisions of the
neutrality law. For such a repeal
would, in effect, say to the aggres-
sor nations that if they did declare
war they would find that their ene-
mies would be able to obtain the
needed war supplies here in Amer-
ica. I knew that the sale of arms
by the United States could and
would help the weaker nations re-
sist attack from those nations which
had built up these vast offensive
striking forces.
The Arms Embargo.
Congress was ready to adjourn
in July, 1939, without passing the
repeal of the arms embargo. We
were convinced that the arms em-
bargo was actually having the ef-
fect of hastening the war in Europe
by the encouragement which it gave
to the aggressor nations. I there-
fore called a conference at the
White House of the Republican and
Democratic leaders of the congress
to urge upon them further the
necessity of the legislation, and tc
canvass the situation so as to learn
whether such congressional action
were possible. At that conference
I pointed out how the arms embargo
was encouraging the outbreak of a
general war, how it operated in,
favor of the aggressor nations of
Germany and Italy, and how thor-
oughly it weakened the position
and prestige of the United States
as a motivating factor for peace.
For we were hardly in a position
to urge the aggressor nations to de-
sist from attack, if we could not,
under any circumstances, sell
merchandise to the threatened de-
mocracies of Europe.
GOP Attitude.
It appeared clear at this confer-
ence, however, and was so stated
by the congressional leaders, that
practically all of the Republican
members of the congress would' vote
against repeal, and that about 25
per cent of the Democratic mem-
bers would. This opposition was
based on the belief that there would
be no war in Europe before the fol-
lowing January, when the congress
would again assemble in regular
session, and that, therefore, there
was no need for immediate legis-
lation.
Of course, it was useless to insist
upon the legislation under those
circumstances. It should be borne
in mind, however, that the responsi-
bility for this action properly lies
with those who refused to repeal the
arms embargo in July of 1939. I
made it clear to them at the con-
ference that the opponents would
have to take the sole responsibility
for the results of their opposition.
And forthcoming events proved that
early legislative action in this mat-
ter would have been extremely help-
ful to the cause.
London? Not a Bit! This Is Gotham!
No longer does New York lag behind densely populated metropolitan areas in the ways and means of com-
bating possible gas attacks. New York firemen are given courses in such technique at the fire college in
Long Island City. Picture at left shows assistant chief of the fire department, James Quinn, instructing thp>
men how to put on the gas masks. At right men with the masks on go into the gas chamber.
Kids Stand Ready to Defend National Capital
The spirit of national defense has permeated the children of Washington, D. C. At the right an anti-aii;
craft gun crew of the Washington junior home defense battalion is ready for action. The “gun” is a piece of’
pipe. Picture at left shows group treating a member who has become a “casualty” during a “raid.” And in
the center, equipped with binoculars and megaphone, a tot is all ready to do her bit for the city’s defense,
Morgenthau’s Son Naval Reserve Graduate
Three generations of Morgenthaus are pictured at graduation exer-
cises of the U. S. naval reserve midshipmen on board the U. S. S.
Prairie State, anchored in the Hudson river. Left to right, Henry Mor-
genthau, secretary of the treasury; his son, R. M. Morgenthau, who is
graduating, and Henry Morgenthau Sr.
World’s Biggest Non-Rigid Airship
The world’s largest non-rigid airship, the K-3, which was describe*? by
naval commander C. S. Knox as satisfactory, following a test at
Akron, Ohio. After acceptance by the navy, the 216-foot, .*225,(509 bl«np will
be equipped with machine guns, torpedoes and depth charges.
Succeeds Wavell
Now that General Wavell has been
transferred to Syria, the command
of the potential “hot spot” in Africa
goes to Gen. Sir Claude Auchinleck
(left), shown with Maj. Gen. H. B,
W. Hughes, in Egypt.
His Ship Sunk
Capt. J. D. Halliday of the S. S.
Steel Seafarer, bombed and sunk in
the Red sea. Captain Halliday and
his crew of 35 were saved by a Brit-
ish warship.
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Reed, Whitley. The Frisco Rustler (Frisco, Tex.), Vol. 47, Ed. 1 Friday, October 3, 1941, newspaper, October 3, 1941; Frisco, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth805622/m1/2/: accessed July 3, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting Frisco Public Library.