National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1940, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 23, 1813 Page: 4 of 4
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, February 19.
Mr. Grundy, after a few observations-;
on the impracticability of laying the
taxes necessary to produce a revenue
for 1814, at the present session ; and the
difficulty of passing the bill now before
the House for suspending the nonim-
portation, if indeed it passed at all,
and the consequent necessity for an ear-
lier meeting of Congress than usual, of-
fered the following resolution for con-
sideration :
" ilesslveil, That it i«* expedient that the
Thirteenth'Congresk should assemble on the
last Monday in May next, and that a commit-
tee he appointed to bring in a bill providing
therefor.’” ,
Mi’. Grundy also observed that the
Title of this resolution would test the
propriety of proceeding at this time in
the discussion of the bill for the modifi-
cation of the non-importation act.
Mr. Bibb said he was pleased at the
introduction of this resolution, with the
ebject avowed, of testing the expedien-
cy of discussing the late Report of the
Committee of Ways and Means, in
which he had in part concurred. The
ungracious manner in which that report
had been received by the House, and
the debate which took place yesterday,
had satisfied Mr. B’s mind that there
was no probability of passing the bill at
the present session. The question then
arose, whether any public good could
arise from a discussion without a pro-
bability of obtaining a decision on it He
v/as satisfied that no good would result.
He was convinced the bill reported by
the committee ought to pass ; but, per-
ceiving so many of a different opinion,
he was disposed to concur in the reso-
lution, in order to postpone the subject
to the next session.
Mr. Roberts expressed his regret
that the resolution had been brought
forward, because he thought it mis-
judged and ill-timed. The committee
of Ways and Means, after attending to
their duty with some sort cf diligence,
had reported, as the result of their en-
quiries, that it would be necessary to
pass a bill for partially suspending the
non-importation act, as well as to lay
the taxes. It was true the. bill had been
brought forward late; but it had better
be discussed now than postponed to an
Extra Session, when the House would
not be as Avell organized, and considera-
ble time must elapse before much busi-
ness could be done. It was important
that the suspension law at least should
pass at the present session, if not the
taxes also. If the project for a modifi-
cation of the non-importation v/as not
acceptable to the House, there were
other items in that bill which might be :
for instance, the increased duty on fo-
reign tonnage, &c. Mr. R. concluded
inis observations by moving that the re-
solution lie on the table.
Mr. Grundy said he hoped, that if it
tves not the inclination of the House to
adopt the resolution, they would reject
it at once. He was of opinion it would be
placing the public credit on firmer
ground, to shew that Congress would
come here in May for the express pur-
pose of providing the Ways and Means,
than to proceed hastily to suspend, even
partially, the non-importation law. It
was important that the public mind
should receive no shock at this time ;
and, although he should vote for the
bill, if a vote should be taken on it, he
yet knew that many well-informed m< n
were warmly opposed to it, and thought
it a dangerous measure. He was will-
ing to postpone it until the public mind
should be more settled on this subject;
and therefore he wished his motion now
to pass.
Mr. Bibb said delaying a decision on
the motion would defeat its object; for
he should in that case feel himself un-
der the necessity of calling up the sus-
pension bill immediately.
Mr. Roberts observed that a post-
ponement of the question of modifying
the non-importation act, with an eye to
the state of the public mind on that sub-
ject, could answer no end, unless the
public should h|£ in possession of the
facts which had influenced the commit-
tee to report the bill. It would be
merely putting off the evil day without
producing any beneficial effect. Dis-
cussion need not produce irritation ; it
had become more necessary now from
the memorial on the table from Balti-
more. The memorial contained alle-
gations, no doubt proceeding from the
impressions on the minds of these me-
morialists, which must have a prejudi-
cial effect on the public mind, as it was
evident that the subject was not correct-
ly understood in all its bearings by those
who had drafted that memorial.
Mr. Randolph admired the candor of
the gentlemen from Pennsylvania ana
Tennessee,whatever he might think of
their arguments. What was the amount
of the observations of the gentleman
from Tennessee, if he understood
them ? At this time the elections in
three of the Southern States, Virginia,
Korth-Carolina and Tennessee, the re-
sult of which would unquestionably de-
termine the political complexion of the
next Congress, bad not yet taken place.
The election in one of them, and that
considerably the largest, Avould come
on in April next. In order to avoiu
giving offence to the orthodox believers
in the non-importation act, it was now
proposed to avoid touching it during
tbt present session of Congress, and
to postpone it till the elections were o-
ver. This was what the gentleman
from Pennsylvania called putting off
the evil day ; while the gentleman from
Tennessee seemed to think, “ suffi-
cient for the day is the evil thereof.”
Again : as the imposition of taxes at
the present session might not have the
happiest effect on the elections in
these states, this great question, to
meet which we had screwed our cou-
rage to the sticking place at the last
session of Congress, was also to be pvu
off. On the other hand, the gentleman
from Pennsylv .nia said that the next
Congress might be composed of men
not quite so well organized (not dril-
led! Jas the present Congress, and there-
fore it would be better to act, now that
we have the power, because it is not
so very certain, if we postpone it, that
we shall have the power to act if we
have the will. These sentiments are
openly avowed-by gentlemen who are
in fact leaders of the majority of the
House. Is it possible that the Ameri-
can people can be imposed upon by so
bare-faccd a fetch as this ? I, for one,
said Mr. R have no objection to an ear-
ly meeting of Congress, if the public
service require it. But I will not con
sent to lay aside that responsibility
which I owe to those I represent on
this floor, in order to lay up a little fund
of popularity against the next elections
I shall therefore vote for the resolu-
tion’s lying on the table. Mr. R. said
the resolution in fact looked one way;,
and rowed another. It looked to be
an earlier convention of the next Con-
gress for matters of great public con-
cern ; it was in fact, and avowedly, put-
ting. off the suspending law and the
laying of taxes, until another Congress
should be elected. To this he was de-
cidedly opposed.
Mr. Grundy disclaimed the motive
imputed to him by the gentleman from
Virginia; he had before declared his
intention to vote for the suspending bill,
and that declaration ought to have
shielded him from the gentleman’s re-
marks. Such an idea as he had sug-
gested would not have entered the
mind of any one disposed to view the
subject fairly. The non-importation
law must be suspended or a double por
lion of taxes must be laid. Ten mil-
lions or more must be levied of inter-
nal taxes, or the non-importation act
must be repealed or modified. The
only question was, which was the most
eligible mode of raising a revenue ; to
modify the non-importation act, and lay
five millions of taxes; or leave it as it
is, and have five or ten millions more
of taxes. There was an additional con-
sideration, Mr. G. said, which he had
omitted to urge. What change three
or four months might produce in the
relations of this country with other
countries was extremely uncertain : no
man could foretel: a change might take
place to make one or the other of these
measures more or less eligible, Uc.
The insinuations which had been made
by the gentleman from Virginia in rela-
tion to the pending elections, were un-
founded as to himself, and entitled to
no weight.
Mr. Randolph said he had made no
insinuation or suggestion whatever in
relation to the gentleman from Tennes-
see or from Pennsylvania. He had put
the gentlemen literally on their own
ground. There was no occasion or
room for explanation. With regard,
however, to the declaration by the gen-
tleman from Tennessee, of his willing-
ness to vote for a suspension of the
non-importation act, while his motion
if it prevailed, would virtually operate
to postpone that question, his deciara
tion would not operate that perfect ef-
fect in relation to his motion which the
gentleman seemed to think it ought tr
have. The gentleman had only to re
cur to the journals of the last session,
and he would find his own vote, with
that of other gentlemen in favor of lay-
ing taxes—a pledge much stronger
than a declaration of a disposition^ to
vote for any thing—and, yet, the taxes
were not, and, probably, would not be
laid, even at this session.
Mr. Fisk said he was in favor of the
resolution, because he was opposed to
the present suspension of the non-im-
portation act It was no imposition on
the nation, nor was lie able to under-
stand how or why it could be so constru-
ed ; unless the gentleman supposed the
repeal might have some effect on the
elections in Virginia. But was it true
that it would affect them ? Did that
gentleman depend on the effect of any
sueffi measure to secure his own re-
election ? Mr. F. said he should not
have mentioned this surmise if the gen-
tleman himself had not introduced the
subject. But he had heard it said, that
what men most think about, they most
talk about. Why then aid the gentle-
man talk about elections—or why did he
suppose this motion intended merely U.
operate upon elections ? The gentle-
man may reasonably be supposed to
wish the taxes to be laid, &e. in order
to aid his election, more especially as he
intends to vote against them The in-
ference is as fair on one side as on tin-
other,
effect.
Mr. Wright opposed the resolution
because he was clearly of opinion then
was ample time to lay the taxes at tin
present session, without putting the na-
tion to the expence and the members ti
the inconvenience of an extra session
The public credit required they should
now be acted on, and he was ready to
vote lor them. He was decidedly op-
posed to a modification oF the non-im-
portation act.
Mr. Roberts disclaimed the meaning
Mr. Randolph had imputed to him. He
had merely meant to say, what every
one knew, that it was some time after
the first convention of every new Con-
gress, before they were in a state to pro-
ceed effectually and regularly with pub-
lic business.
The question on the motion for lay-
ing the resolution on the table, was de-
cided in the negative.
For laying it on the table 45
Against it 82
The question recurred on the adop-
tion of the resolution.
Mr. Stow was opposed to it. He
dwelt on the cxpence of an extra ses-
sion, its inconvenience, and the injury
which might result to the public credit
from a postponement of the considera-
tion of the Ways and Means for the
next year. He was astonished at the
aversion to the taxes. The subject of
taxation came on by paroxysms ; at one
moment they could not be dispensed
with, at the next they were postponed,
Stc. He was very anxious that they
should be now discussed.
Mr. Chevcs said, in reply to an allu-
sion of Mr. Stow, that from the earliest
period of the last session of Congress,
he had seen the necessity of adopting a
fixed revenue. He had voted against
a postponement of the subject at the last
session, had done every thing he could
to bring it on, and given all the assis-
tance in his power in preparing the ne-
cessary bills. True it was, as he had
before stated, that the late importations
had obviated the necessity of laying
taxes for the present year. And he said
now, that if the bill just reported by the
committee of Ways and Means were to
pass at the present session, Congress
might at an early session pass the laws
for laying taxes for the service of the
next year ; though it was indispensible
in his opinion that some system of reve-
nue should be provided at the present
session. He should under this impres-
sion vote against the resolution ; al-
though, if the resolution prevailed and
put by the suspension bill, he must of
necessity vote for a session in May.
Mr. Grosvenor also was opposed to
the resolution, and dwelt on the expence
and inconvenience of an extra session.
These considerations, however, would
yield to stronger arguments in favor of
the measure ; but none such had been
urged. In every point of view the bill
for modifying or repealing the non im-
portation act ought to pass. If we re-
mained at war, the want of revenue ren-
dered its modification necessary : if our
situation is likely to be changed, it was
astill stronger reason for the repeal.
There could therefore be no adequate
reason for postponing it. If a decision
on this subject be postponed, what will
be the situation of the merchants whilst
such a measure is hanging over them,
and keeping them in perfect uncertain-
ty as to your future measures ? Alrea-
dy had they suffered enough from our
fluctuating policy. It was due to them
that the question should be decided at
the present session.
Mr Findley was much apposed to the
idea of an extra session ; but if the bill
now before the House did not pass, or
the taxes were not laid, at the present
session, he must of necessity vote for it;
because every consideration of private
convenience must yield to the public
exigency. If an extra session must
take place, however, he thought it had
better be at an earlier day. He sug-
gested the propriety of leaving the re-
solution blank as to the day in May at
which Congress should assemble.
Mr. Grundy yielded to this sugges-
tion of Mr. Findley, and modified his
motion accordingly.
Mr. Melson was opposed to the re-
solution, not because he was unwilling
that Congress should convene at an
earlier day than th.it fixed by the con-
stitution, if the Executive should think
it necessary ; but because he was un
willing to shift from himself the res-
ponsibility for this awful measure, as
entlemen seemed to think it, which
lie had pledged himself from the com
mencement of the last session of Con-
gress, to take upon him. He had been
amongst those who voted at the com-
mencement of the last session of Con
gress for certain resolutions, giving to
the nation a public pledge that they
would supply to the lenders to the go
vernment a fund, to be derived from
taxes, for the redemption of the public
debt, or for the payment of interest.
Having given this pledge, I will not
give my vote to retire from it. No sir,
said Mr. N. I wish to see the tax bills
immediately laid on the table ; that the
House should embark in the discussion ;
and if it should be found that we cannot
get through them before tiie constitu
tional period of our labors, 1 shall then
be willing to pass a law for an extra
session; lor such a bill might be pass-
ed in three hours. Let us avoid, said
he, the scoffs and reyilings of the op-
position, and of all parties in the go-
Such arguments can have no vernment, who have said we are unwil-
ling to meet this question. It might
be the pleasure of Ins constituents, he
said, to send some other person here in
lus place. He would go with those bills
>n his hand, and tell them how he hud
acted. If they were unwilling to sup-
port the contest with Great Britain,
they would discard him. But he had a
better opinion of them. The House
he said, had better labor day and nigh^
to perfect the tax bills, and bring into,
existence the funds they had pledged
themselves to provide, than that the
public credit should suffer. What as-
surance had gentlemen that the govern-
ment could procure a single dollar of
the proposed loan, if they did not pro-
vide ways and means for the payment
of the interest ? Are not the reports of
your public officers and committees be-
fore the nation, stating that taxes are
necessary ? Ar/d yet do you propose to
retire, and “ lay the flattering unction
to your souls,” that they may not be
necessary, or that the aspect of your
foreign relations may be changed ? He
considered himself pledged to provide
the ways and means, and therefore
could not vote for the motion.
Mr. Rhea said he should vote for the
motion, without referring to the senti-
ments of his constituents ; as he had no
wish to avoid that responsibility which
attached to him, he should vote as he
thought correct without considering
what might be the construction put on
his vote by others.
Mr. Randolph spoke against the mo-
tion. He denied the want of time,
which had been alleged as a reason for
not acting on the report of the commit-
tee of Ways and Means. There was
always time to do what the House had
a disposition to do. With respect to
the operation of the postponement of
the bill reported by the committee of
Ways and Means until the elections are
over, it would have no effect to render
its passage questionable abroad; for
regarding the quarter whence it came
and the sanction it had received, tiie
passage of the bill would be considered
as certain. If, on the other hand, there
was an indisposition to repeal it, it
could not be too soon determined.
The aspect which the House pre-
sented to the nation and to the world,
Mr. R. said, was one on which he could
not by any means delight to dwell. He
believed, if we go on for another term
of two years as we have for the last two,
there will be danger that the govern-
ment will dissolve from its own imbe-
cility. What was the fact ? The Twelfth
Congress had placed the nation in a
state of war, and authorized vast mili-
tary and not small naval preparations.
They had sanctioned expenditures to
an extent heretofore unknown in the
history of this government. Although
in a state of war, and having authorised
vast expences for armies and navies,
and loans to an immense amount unlim-
ited as to interest, and as to sacrifice of
principle—to say nothing of the Trea-
sury Notes—the same Congress utterly
refused to provide the means for sup-
porting the credit of the government.
It is upon a Parliamentary record like
this that you propose to entertain a pro-
position for peace ? It will be spinning
out to an infinite extent an already dis-
astrous, disgraceful and imbecile war.
It is throwing frow the shoulders of
this House and of the Executive Branch
of the Legislature the aAkful responsi-
bility fairly attaching to both branches.
Averse as he had been to this war from
the beginning; sensible as he was of
the imbecile infatuated manner in which
it liad been conducted, he trusted he
should be, if not the last, indisputably a-
mong the lust men in the House or in
the nation, to approve a disgraceful or
even dishonorable peace. And yet, if
at the next session the President should
tender the compact ratifying such a
peace, a peace incompatible with the
high claims you have set up to the
world—what would be the conse-
quence ? The President could say, and
truly too, that the Congress, by declar-
ing Avar, voting immense expenditures
and refusing to provide the Ways and
Means, had driven him to the necessi-
ty of making a peace on any terms. Mr.
R. said he could not therefore lend his
agency to produce such a state of
things.
But another consideration weighed
in some degree, and it was not strange
that it should, on his mind. He was
unwilling this House should meet in
May next, to gratify the rapacity of the
claimants under the Yazoo act of Geor-
gia of 1795—the cravings of whose ap-
petite had been staid by the implied
promise in the committee of the ivhole,
that when Congress assemble in May
next they shall be gratified to the ful-
'est extent of their wishes. How far
this consideration might operate in ac-
celerating the meeting of Congress, it
was not for him to say. He had how-
ever been astonished that the subject
had been permitted to slumber on the
table of this House as it had been, that
at the next session of Congress the in-
choate act of this House might be per-
mitted to be brought up as one addi-
tional motive for gratifying the cupidi-
ty of the claimants.
Mr. Grundy barely rose to remark,
that the consideration last alluded to
bad certainly no operation on the mind
of the mover of the resolution. He
nad as strong objections to the Yazoo
claim as any one in the House, and
when taken up lie Avould heartily co-
operate Avith that gentleman in its de-
struction.
The question on the passage of the
resolution was then decided in the ne-
gative by Yeas aud Nays as follows :
YEAS.—Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer,
Avery, Bacon, Bard, Barnett, Bibb, Black-
ledge, Brigham, Champion, Clay, Ciopi.on,
Condit, Crawford, Davis, Dawson, Findley,
Fisk, Franklin, Ghohoii, Goodwyn, Grundy, B.
Hall, Hawes, liyneman. Little, Lownde#, Lyle,
Macon, M’Coy, M’Kim, Morgan, -Morrow,
Neivton, Ormsby, £ Pickens, Piper, Pleasants,
Pond, Reed, Richardson, Rhea, Roane, Rob-
ertson, Sevier, Taliaferro, Troup, Turner,
Wbitehill, Williams, Winn—53.
NAYS.—Messrs. Baker, Bigelow, Eleeckcr,
Boyd, Brown, IPirwell, Butler, Calhoun, Carr,
Cheves, Chittenden, Cochran, Cwtts, Daven-
port, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earle, Ely, Emott,.
Fitch, Gold, Goldsborough, Gray, Green,
Grosvenor, O. Hall. Harper, Hnfty, Jackson,
Johnson, Kennedy, Kent, Lacock, Taw, Lewis,
M’Bryde, Milnor, Mitchill, Moseley, Nelson,
New, Newbold, Pearson, Pitkin, Potter, Quin-
cy, Randolph, Roberts, Rodman, Sage, Sam-
mons, Sawyer, Seaver, Shaw, Siieffev, G, Smith,
J. Smith, Stanford, Stuart, Slow, Sturges, Tall-
madge, Tallman, Tracy, Van Cortland, Whea-
ton, White, Widgery,. Wilson, Wright.—“0.
Mew-York, Feb. 18.
GLORIOUS NEWS.
The U. States frigate Constitution;
Commodore Bainbridge, arrived at Bos-
ton on Monday from a cruize, having
performed the gallant action which is-
detailed in tiie subjoined account, for
which Ave arc indebted to an officer be-
longing to the Constitution, Avho passed
through this city yesterday for Wash-
ington, Sc obligingly furnished it to the
Editors of the Mercantile Advertiser.
We rejoice at every circumstance
which adds new laurels to the naval
glory of our country, and particularly
so Avhen they are gathered with so small
a sacrifice of human life, 9 men only
being killed and 25 Avounded. To tin:
enemy, indeed, the carnage has been
dreadful, in the loss of 60 killed and 101
(or as another account says 1 70) wound-
ed, besides the total destruction of the
vessel. It is an additional evidence
that whenever an opportunity occurs,
in which an American vessel comes in
contact with an equal force of the ene-
my, our gallant naval heroes Avill at all
times “ deserve Avell of their country.”'
On the 29th December, in lat 13 6,.
S. long. 38, W. about ten leagues from
t he Coast of Brazil, the United States
frigate Constitution fell in with and.
captured His Britannic Majesty’s frigate
Jaya> of 49 guns, and manned with up-
Ayards of 400 men. The action con-1
tinned one hour and fifty-five minutes ;
in which time the Java AVas made a
complete Avrcck, having her boAvsprit
and every mast and spar shot out of
ner The Constitution had 9 killed
and 25 wounded. The Java had 60 kil-
led and 101 Avounded. Amongst the
latter v/as her commander, Captain
Lambert, a very distinguised officer,
mortally. From a letter Avritten by one
of her officers whilst on board the Con-
stitution, it is evident that the wounded
must have been considerably greater, £c
many musthave died of their wounds,
previous to removal The letter states
60 killed and 170 Avounded
The Java Avas rated at 38 guns, but
mounted 49. She was just out of dock*
and fitted in the complctest manner to
carry out Lieutenant-General Hislop,
Governor of Bombay, and his staff;
Captain Marshall, and a commander in
the British navy ; and a number of
naval officers going to join the British
ships of war in the East Indies. Be-
sides these, and haAring her own com-
plement of officers and men complete*
she hud upAvards of one hundred
supernumeraries of petty officers and
seamen for the admiral’s ship and other
vessels on the East-India station. Slu*
also had dispatches from the British
government for St. Helena, the Cape of
Good Hope, and to every British estab-
lishment in the East-Indies and China
Seas, and had copper on board for a 74
gun ship and two sloops of war building
at Bombay, and it is presumed many
other valuables, all of Avhich Avere bloAvn
up in her on the 31st of December,
when she v/us set on fire.
The Constitution ivas considerably
cut in her spars, rigging and sails ; but
not so much injured but that she could
have commenced another action imme-
diately after the^ capture of the Java, t
ivnich latter vessel Avas made a perfect-
ly unmanageable wreck.
On her passage to Boston the Con-
stitution fell in with the Hornet, and
avus informed that she had recaptured
the American ship William, a prize to
the Java ; and that she liad also captur-
ed, on the same day, the schr. Ellen,
bound from London to St. Salvador,
Avith dry goods, Stc. to the amount cf
200,000 dollars—had taken out the
Avhole of her cargo and ordered her for
the first American port.
A New invented Piunting Fbess.—We
congratulate our fellow citizens on an impor-
tant improvement that has recently been dis-
covered in the most usef ul of all human inven-
tions—printing ; and for which a patent has
been granted. Ix>rd Stanhope v/as supposed to
have done much in a new press that bears hi#
name ; hut, by complicated additional screws,
levers, pivots, &c. which could only beenume-
rab d by an elaborate nomenclature, and which
in this improvement are superceded by the
simplest of all mechanical operations-—A sin-
gle roller; had also incre/ised the ordinary price
of the printing press enormously, so as to place
it out of the reach of most printers, .without
any very obvious equivalent advantage. The
honor however seems to have been reserved
for our country to perfect this most useful
machine, as the following certainly combines
all that can be required in a printing press—
power, expedition and cheapness.—The opera-
tion is performed by a simple roller, thereby
saving an incredible deal of labor, and Gaining
nearly a tenfold increase of power. The pre-
sent plan also embraces the working of two
forms at once with the equal facility of one in
the former mode. We conjecture the price of
this new press will be near one-fourth less than
that of the common one now in use, and from
its simplicity it can scarcely ever be out of w«
der. It has been in constant U3e, with the most
complete success, for some time past, by Wm.
Elliot, of the city of New York, the investor
and patentee.
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National Intelligencer. (Washington City [D.C.]), Vol. 13, No. 1940, Ed. 1 Tuesday, February 23, 1813, newspaper, February 23, 1813; Washington, District of Columbia. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth995985/m1/4/: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; .