The Colorado Citizen (Columbus, Tex.), Vol. 4, No. 32, Ed. 1 Saturday, May 18, 1861 Page: 1 of 4
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COLORADO CITIZEN.
i«-ti..y. •"— * ^ -
COLUMBUS, TEXAS, SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1861.
NUMBER
ADVERTISING:
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It HIIBflWH ". • • . *V rV..
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* " copies must be sent to one addrei*,
-wncit 4 V tub is made op, in order to seture oar
¿•per it tHe CÍ¿b| le .
Siisc A« a*i cemeiitt^
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State Offioes..... ¿................. .$10 00
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Corporation Offices * 50
É Cinphn*. or communications of
.* prívale er personal character, will be charged
an idvnttwneati.
ft*7- Ten lines or lew. eonstitnte a sonare.
loa Tree.
- ^ A known by it* fruit .'* The
4^&from which the Abolition tree bao
vgfowa was furnished by the Devil, and
bhWled in the soil of ignorance and as-
mtUr*; t .i u.
sumption. It was assumed by the culti-
vators of tbis tree that the negro race is
equal to the wbite raee; but the Bible—
tbi source of light and truth—and the
ajj^micaTttid physiological developments
«£í tke*egiro raee, and their history from
i dHgio in the family of Noah, down
|b a succession of generations to the
Ijlpsént time, proves that tbis is all assump-
tion and ignorance. According to the in-
'formalionsof the Bible, and Science, and
IMor^, thé onlyproper and normal con-
<djrioa of-*be African race ra i «ifi>ordma
Hon to the white race.
This Abolition tree, as soon as it rises
from the ground of ignorance and assump-
tion, derides into two enormous trunks.
f x .
, The right ¿rank is composed of Envy, and
'tbe left of False Sympathy. The poor
-laboring classes of the North are made to
feéHvve, by tying lecturers, that tbe white
people of the South labcf none at all, but
live in tides of exhaustlees riches. Hence
tWefp^nvy at Southern people. This ac-
'counts for tbe enormous growth of the
tight trunk of the Abolition tree,
- The laboring classes of the North are
also made to believe that the slaves'of tbe
Véatb are badly fed, frorse clothed, and
«nm«fciftüly whipped, ftence the sniv-
ling of the tow-beadef^irls and boys, tbe
ififn of shriveled up old maids and coun-
try honse-wives, and Che blumbering of
'tb¿ ftiiioompoops who compose Northern
SflSTTíenéeg, white* listening to Abolition
preachers and lecturers. Hence the enor-
Inons growth, under tbe influence of False
The two trunks *? this toé have nu-
merous branches laden in great abun-
dance with the foRgfring fruits:
I. Is fidelity. Tbe Abolition lecturer
if >
assume «hat tbey are much wiser than tbe
dMañgbty They have rejected the Bible,
%ltbKMfc If teaeh#ft that the descendants of
Ham should live in subordination to the
ted and white races;
bérctwiaítidai. Domination, these
AOf&ero faaatiot are not willing that the
civil powet* to whom ¿tons the authority
^T«fcg£, should govern the institution of
slavery. They have established the prin-
ciples of Popery, to all intents and por-
tase , by subjecting the civil to the eccle-
siastical power. As the professors of
«h¿fctianity in the Roman Empire used the
eivil power to execute vengeance upon alt
^rho would not embrace their dogmas of
tetigieft, so precisely, on the same priaci-
tfc« Blaek Republican professors of
Witiiaaity in tbe North are urging that
bttttao butcher, Old Abe, to execute ven-
gejMM «pos Southern people, because
tjhey will not embrape their doctrine of
•egro. equality. We defy any man to
point ¿atóte Ham of difference between
tK*"> dootrise of Popery, in the days of
domination, and tbe present position
Hortbern churches. We some-
the Roman Catholics for in-
ri but tbey are lambs in the
Statai;" in christian forbearance,
compared with the pretest ants wolves in
cheep's clothing in the Northern eburchee;
III. Murder. Witness the raid of
John Brown & Co., at Harper's Ferry, and
tbe murderous purposes Of the Abolition-
ists against Texas; -y
IV. Arson. Witness the burning of
Dallas, an<M^nderson, and private dwell
ings in Texas;
V. Robbery. While the housiefe and
towns in Texas were burning, the Aboli-
tionists and negroes were to rob tbe people
and furnish tbemsélves with clothes, and
money, and provisions;
VI. Poisohino. The day of the Pres-
idential ^election was set apart by the
Abolitionists to poison the whoie popula-
tion of Texas. For this purpose, bottles
of striclinine, in great numbers, was furn-
ished <by fbe Abolitionists to the negroes
to carry out their work of destruction ; *
VII. Rebellion. The negroes were
taught that ik was right to poison their
masters and mistresses, and select the most
beautiful younglvlies for wires. Horrid !
VIII. Adultery ;
IX. Fornication ;
X. Stealing ;
XI. Lying ;
XII. Hypocrisy of the most Abomin-
able Character—putrng on the garb of
Christianity to serve tbe devil in. Preach-
ing blood and murder to the negroes in
private, while preaching holiness to the
whites in -public ; holding out the crown
of martyrdom to those who die in the
cause of Abolitionism in murdering in-
nocent meu-and women, while they appear
as angels of light to the unsuspecting
inhabitants of -the slave -States;
XIII. Anger and Fdry, because tBfe
■slave States are loo smart for them, and
will not subir it to their central despotism,
under that second rate, common, Illinois
lawyer, Ole Tlbe ;
XIV. -Envy at the Success of the
South ;
XV. Malice ;
XVI. Hatred ;
XVII. Price;
XVIII. Vanity—
3n a word, all the fruits of a depraved,
guilty, black heait. But time fails me to
describe and enumerate all tbe fruits of
this infernal tree, planted by tbe Devil,
and cultivated and pruned by his faithful
Abolition sevvants. That pdiitical dema-
gogues cfnnot, or will not, see from
whence this tree sprang is not strange ;
but that men professing to believe in the
mild religion of Jesus can not see and
judge this tree by its infernal fruits, is
quite astonishing. We can only áccéunt
for their course of conduct on the pliaii-
saical principle of superior sanctity. They
are so holy that tbey cannot hold com-
munion with slave-holders! They have
attained to such immense heights of sanc-
tification that they are infinitely above all
Southern christians !! Tbey remind us
of the brother and sister of fhe Northern
church in Hannibal, Missouri: The
j brother was wealthy, and the sister the
; wife of a poor man, quite dependant,
j They both had attained, and professed,
Sanctifioatíéu. The rich brother and poor
sister bad become so holy that they could
not meet with common christians, so they
set apart an upper roon^ where there Was
a fine, soft bed, where aíí alone and un-
molested by the common herd of christians
tbey Could devise way* and meauS for the
spread of holiness Í
It is said that Hell been heating
wear six thousand years. I, therefore,
conclude ;t is hot enough for common
Abolitionists now; and by the 4th of July
next, it will be hot enough for that baboon,
Old Abe, and his Orang Otang Cabinet,
provided the Northern statesmen are fools
enough to sanction their wicked course in
waging war, J. M. BAKER, M. D.
It is Against Thr Law to Swim Dog«
on Sunday in the Frog Pond. — This is
not generally known, and one Sabbath
morning a distinguished military gentle-
man who was walking on the Boston com-
mon, ww reprimanded by a policeman be
canse he suffered his dog >o enter the water.
*• There,"said Dogbery, •'don'tyou see the
sign—" Dogs are not allowed in the water
on Sunday!" "Yes," responded the Col-
on, 14 but that's a d—d illiterate dog; he
can't read." The peliceman was cofound-
ed ; and it was not till one of the detectives
pointed it out that be saw tbe militarv
man's joke.
DAT IS' fflESSi^E.
MONTGOMERY, APRIL 29, 1861.
Gentlemen of Congress—
It is my plefesing duty to announce to
you that the constitution framed for the
establishment of a permanent Government
of ths* Confederate States of America has
been ratified by each of the conventions
of those States, which were referred to
inaugurate the said Government in-its fuil
proportion and upon its own substantial
basis of the popular will. It only'rémaitfs
that él?ctí®ns~should be held for the designation
of the officers to administer it.
There is every reasou to believe that at no
distant day other States identified in political
principles and commuriity of interests with those
which you represent, will join "this Confederacy,
giving to its typical constellation increased
splendor— toits government of free, equal States
a wider sphere ot usefulness, and to the friends
'óf constitutional liberty a greater security for
its harmonious and perpetual existence.
It was not, however, for the purpose of mak-
ing this announcement that I have deemed it
my dnty to convoke you at an earlier dáy than
that fixed lor yourselves for your meeting. The
declaration of war made against this Confed-
eracy bj Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, in his proclamation, issned on
the 15th day of the present month, renders it
necessary, in my judgment, ^that yon should
convene at the earliest practicable moment «to
devise the measures ncced^ary for the defence of
the country.
The occasion is, indeed, an extraordinary one.
It justifies me in givinfe a brief review of lire
relations heretofore existing between us and the
States wliich now unite in warfare, fcgainst us,
and a succinct statement of the events which
have resulted to lhe end, that mankind may pass
intelligent and impartial judgmentjon our mo-
tives and objects.
During-the war"wágecl against Great Britain
by her colonics on this continent, a common
danger impelled them to a close alliance, and to
the formation of a Confederation by the tents
of whic£ the colonies, styling themselves States,
entered severally into a firm league cf fiicnitsliip
with each other for the common defence, the
security of their liberties aud their mutual and
general welfare, binding to assist each other
against all force offered to, or attacks made
upon them, or^any of them, on account of re
religion, sovereignty, trade, Or any other pre -
tence whatever.
'In fcrdcVto guard against any miscdadtrfcfctitn
of their compact, the several States made an
explicit declarationjn a a distinct article—that
each State retain its sovereignty, freedom and
independence, and every power of jurisdiction
and right which is not by„this said Confedera,
tion expressly delegated to the United States in
Congress, aeseinhjed under this contract of
alliance.
The war of the Revolution was Bifcce'saÉfolly
waged, aud resulted in the trea'y of peace with
Great Britain in 1783, by the terms of which
the several States were each by nam e recogni-
zed to bejndependent.
The articles of "confederation contained a
clause whereby all alterations were proIirtJ; ted,
unless confirmed by the Legislatures of every
State after being agreed to by the Congress, and
•in obedience to thÍH¿provfeion, under the resolu-
tion of Congress of the 21st of February, 1787,
the several States appointed delegates'for the
purpose Of revising the articles of confederation,
and reporting to Congress and Ihe'several Leg-
islatures such alterations and provisions as shall,
when agreed to by Congress,"and confirmed by
the States, render the Federal constitution ade-
quate to the exigences of the Government and
the preservation of the Union.
It wa« by the delegates chosen by the several
Slates, under the resolution just quoted, that the
constitution of the United Estates was forced in *
1787, and submitted to the several States for!
ratification, aft Shown by the seventh article, j
wíiich is in these words : " The ratification of J
the conventions óf nine States shall be sufficient j
for the establishment of this constitution be-
tween the States so ratifying the same."
I have italicised certain words in the resolu-
tions just made for the purpose of attracting at-
tention to the singular and marked caution with
which the States endeavored in every possible
forfc to exclude the idea th?.i the separate and
independent sovereignly of each State was mer
ged into one common government or nation;
and the ■earnest desire they evinced to impress
on the constitution its true character—that of a
Compact between independent ' States—the con.
stitution of 1787, however, admitting the clause
tlready recited from the articles of confedera-
tion, which provided in explicit terms that each
SI ate reclaimed its sovereignty and independence.
Some alarm was felt'in the Sta'ies, when in-
vited to ratify \he eonstitation, lest this omission
should be construed into an abandonment of her
cherished principles, and they refused to bo sat-
isfied until amendments were added to the con.
stitution,.placing beyond any pretence of doubt
the reservation by the States of the sovereisn
rights and powers not expressly delegated te the
United Statea by the eonstitation.
Strang* indeed must it appear to the
impartial observer that it is uone the less
true that all these carefully worded clauses
proved unavailing to preveut tbe rise aud
growth in the Northern Slates of a politi-
cal school, which has persistently claimed
that the Government set above artd over
the States an organization created by tbe
States, to secure the blessings of liberty
and independence against foreign aggres-
sion, ba9 been giadually converted jnto a
machine for their control in their domestic
afiairs. .
The creature has been exalted above its
creator—lhe principals have been ma^e
subordinate to the agents appointed by
themselves.
The people of tbe Southern States,
whose almost exclusive occupation was
agricultural, early perceived a tendency in
the Northern States to render a common
government subservient to their own pur-
poses by imposing burthens on commerce,
as a protection to their manufacturing and
shipping interests.
Long and angry controversies grew out
of these attempts, often successful, to ben-
efit one section of the country at the ex
pense of the other, and the danger of
disruption arising from this cause was
enhanced by the fact that the Northern
population was increasing by immigration
and other causes thau the population of
the South.
By degrees, as the Northern States gain-
ed preponderance in tho National Congress,
self-interest taught their people to yield
ready, assent to any plausible advocacy of
their ||ght8, as a majority govern tbe mi-
nority. Without control, 'they learn to
listen with impatience to tbe suggestion
of any constitutional impediment to tbe
exercise of their will, and so utterly have
the principles of the constitution been
corrupted in the Northern mind that, in
tbe inauguraPaddress delivered by Presi
dent Lincoln in March last, he asserts as a
maxim, which he plainly deems to be un
deniable, that tbe theory of the constitu-
tion requires, in all cases, that the major-
ity sball-govern ; and in another memora-
ble instance, the same Chief Magistrate
did not hesitate to liken the relations be-
tween tbe States and the United States to
those which exist between tbe county and
t!?e SKitvyie? v/hifth it is situated, aud by
which it was created.
This is the lamentable and fundamental
error in which rests the policy that has
culminated in his declaration of war against
these Confederate States.
In addition to the long continued and
deep seated resentment felt by the South-
ern States at the persistent abuse of the
powers they bad delegated to the Congress
for the purpose of enriching the manu-
facturing and shipping classes of the North,
there has existed for nearly half a century
another subject of discord, involviug in-
terests of such transcendent magnitude as
at all times to create the apprehension in
the minds of many devoted lovers of tbe
Union that its permanence was impossible.
When the several States delegated certain
powers to the United States' Congress, a
large poition of the laboring population
were imported into the colonies by the
mother. country. In .twelve out of tbe
fifteen States, negro slavery existed, and
the right of property existing in slaves
was protected by law ; this property was
recognized in the constitution, and pro-
vision was made agxinst its loss by the
escape of the slaves.
The increase in the number of slaves by
foreign importation from Africa was also
secured by a clause forbidding Congress
to prohibit "the slave trade anterior to a
caitaiu date.; ard in no clause can there
be found any delegation of power to the
Congress to authorize it, in any manner,
to legislate to tbe prejudice, detriment or
discouragement of the owners of that
species of property, or excluding itr from
the protectiou of the Government.
The climate and soil of the Northern
States soon proved unpropitious to the
continuance of slave labor, while the re-
veise being the case at the South, made
umestricted intercourse between the two
«ections unfriendly.
The Northern ' States consalted their
own interests by selling their slaves to the
South, aud prohibiting slavery between
their limits. The South were willing pur-
chasers of property suitable to their wants,
and paid the price of the acquisition with-
out harboring a suspicion that their quiet
possession was to be desturbed by those
who were not only in want of constitu-
tional authority, but by good faith as
vendors, from disquieting a title emanating
from themselves.
As soon, however, as the Northern
States that prohibited African tlavery
within their limits had reached a number
sufficient to give their representation a
controlling vote in the Congress, a per-
sistent aud organized system of hostile
measures against th^ rights of the owners
of slaves in the Soat íeru frates was inau-
gurated and grnduitliy extended. A series
of measures was devised aud prosecuted
for the purpose of rendering iusecuro the
tenure of property in slaves.
Fanatical organizations, supplied with
money by voluntary subscriptions, were
ass:duou%ly engaged in exciting among
the s'aves a spirit of discontent aud revolt.
Means were furnished for their escape
from their owners, and agents secretly
employed to entice them to abscond.
The constitutional provision for their
rendition to their owners was first evaded,
then openly denounced as a violation of
conscientious obligation and Teligióus duty.
Men were^taugbt that U was a merit to
elude, disobey and violently opp&se the
execution of the laws enacted to secure
the performance of tbe promise contained
in the constitutional compact. Often
owners of slaves were mobbed and even
murdered in open day, solely for applying
to a magistrate for the arrest of a fugitive
slave.
The dogmas of the voluiffüiry -&rgáhffck
tion soon obtained control of the Legis-
latures of many of tbe Northern States,
and laws'were passed for the punishment
in jails and penitentiaries, of citizens of
the States who should ^dare ask aid df the
officers of the law for the recovery of
their property. Emboldened by success
on tbe theatre of agitation and aggression
against the clearly expressed constitution-
al rights of the Congress, Senators and
Representatives were sent to the Common
Councils of the Nation, whose chief title
to this distinction consisted in the display
of a spirit of ultia fanaticism, and whose
business was not to promote the general
welfare, or ensure domestic tranquility—
but to awaken the*T>itteresf bate against
the citizens of sister States by violent de-
nunciation of their institutions.
The transaction of public affairs was
impeded by repeated efforts to usurp
powejs not delegated by the constitution,
for the purpose of impairing th,e securitv
of property in slaves, and reducing those
States which held slaves, to a'condition of
inferiority.
Finally, a great party was organized for
the purpose of obtaining the administra-
tion of the Government, with'the avo'wed
object of using its power for the total ex-
clusion of the slave States from all partic
ipation in the benefits of the public do-
main, acquired by all tbe States in com-
mon, whether by conquest or purchase,
surrounding them entirely by States in
which slavery should be prohibited, thus
rendering the property in slaves so iose
cure as to be comparatively worthless, and
títere by annihilating, in effect, property
worth thousands of millions of dollars.
This party, thus organized, succeeded
in the month of November last in the
election of its candid^e to the Presidency
of the United States.
In the meantime, under the mild and
genial climate of the Southern States, and
the increasing care for the well being and
comfort of the laboring classes, dictated
alike by interest and humanity, the Africau
slaves have augmented in number from
-about six hundred thousand, at the date
of the constitutional compact, to upwards
of four millions:
Tn a moral and social condition, they
had been elevated from brutal savages into
docile, intelligent aud civilized agriculurai
laborers, and supplied not only with bodily
comforts, but with careful religious in-
structions under the supervision of a
superior race. Their labor has been so
djreoted as not only to allow a gradual
and marked amelioration of their own
condition, but to convert hundreds of
thousands of square tnilea of the wilder-
ness into cultivated lands, covered with a
prosperous people. Towns and cities had
"3próng into existence, and it rapidlv in-
creased in wealth and population under
the social system of the South.
The white population of the Southed
slave holding States had augmented from
y.bout 1,250,000 at the date of the adop-
tion of the constitution, to more than 8,-
500,000 in J860, and tbe productions of
the cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, for the
full development and continüance of which
the labor of African slaves was and is in-
dispen&ible, hadswolen toan am nint which
formed nearly three-fourths of the éxport
of the whole United States, and had be-
teonrs absolutely necessary to the wauts of
civilized man.
With interests of such overwhelming
magnitude imperiled, the people of the
Southern States were driven by the conduct
of the North to the adoption of some
'course of action to avoid the dangers with
which they were openly menaced. WTitb
this view the Legislatures of the several
Slates invited the people to select delegates
to the conventions to be held for the pur-
pise of determining fgr themselves what j
measures were best to be adopted to meet
so alarming a crisis in their history.
Here it may be proper to observe that,
from a period as early as 1798, there had
existed in all ot' the States of the Union a
party almost uninterruptedly in the ma-
jority, based upon tho creed that each
State was, in the last resort, the sole
judge as well of its wtongi as of tbe mode
and measure of the redress. Indeed, it
was obvious that under the law of hations
this principle is an axiom as applied to in-
dependent sovereign States^ such as had
u ii i ted themselves under the constitutional
Compact.
Tiie Democratic parly of the United
States repeated iu its successful canvass ia
1836, the deduction raade'iu previ*
litical contest?, that it wou d faithful
by and uphold the principle laid
the Kentucky and Virginia Legistifcurea lá
1799, and that it adopts those principles as
constituting one of the tnain foundations
of it* political creed.
The principles thus emphatically ^an-
nounced embrace that to which I have al-
ready adverted—the right of each Sta&
to judge of aod red res? the'
it complain#. Their princij
tained by overwhelming majorities of the
peop'e of all tbe states of tbe Union at
different elections, especially in the alfd—
tion of Mr. Jefferson in 1805, Mf. Madison
in 1809. Mr. Pierce in 185Í2. In the ex-
ercise of a right so ancient, so well estab-
lished and so necessary to self-preservation,
the people of the Confederate Stales in
their conventions determined that the wrangh
they had suffered, and the evils with which they
are menaced, required that they should revoke
the delegation of power to the Federal Gov-
ernment which they had ratified in their eeveral
conventions. They consequently passed ordi-
nances resuming al^their rights as sovereign and
independent States, and dissolved their connec-
tion with the other States of tbe Union. Hav-
ing done this, they pr iceeded to lona a new
compact among themselves by new articles of
the conventions of tho several States, with an
approach to unanimity far exceeding that of thfc
conventions which adopted the eonstitation* of 1
1787. They have organized their Governasent
in all of Jts departments. Tlfc functions of thé
Execative, legislature apd judicial magistrates
are performed in accordance with the will of the
people, as displayed not merely in a cheerful ac-
quiescence, but in the enthusiastic support off the
Govejnment thus established by themselves, and
but for tbe interference of the GovérUig^nt of
the United States, this legitimate exercise of a
people to self government has been manif&tdfc in
every possible form.
Scarce had you assembled in February
last, when prior even to the inauguration
of the Chief Magistrate yon bad elestad,
whereby your desire for tbe appointment of
commissioners aud for the
all diagreement between the two
ments, upon princibles of fight,
equi ty and good faith.
It was my pleasure as well ás to]
to cooperate with you in this wcrVof peace.
Indeed, in my address to you on taking the
oath of office, and before receiving frotd
you the Communication of this resolution,
I had said " as a necesity, ntft as a choice,
we have resorted to the remedy of
ting, and henceforth our energies mnst be
directed to tbe conduct of onr own affaire
and the perpetuity of the Confederaof
which we baVe formed. If a.juat percep-
tion of mutual interest shall permit as tó
peaceably persue our seperate political ca-
reer, my most earnest desire will than have
been fulfiled.''
It was in furtherance of these accordasfc
views of the Congress and the Executive,
that I made choice of three discreet, able
and distinguished citizens, who repááred to
Washington. Aided by their oqffial co-
operation and that of the Secreta^ of the
State, every effort compatible With self-re-
spect and the dignity of tbe Confederacy
was exhausted before I allowed myself to
yield to the conviction that the Govtfa-
ment of the United States was determined
to attempt the coirquest of this people^
and that our cherished bopesjof peaofc
were unobtainable.
On the arrival of our cotamissioneia ¡á
Washington on tbe 5th of March, thejr
postponed, at tbe suggestion of a friendly
intermediator', doing more than giving in-
formal. notice ot their arrival. This waa
done with a view to afford time to thé
President of the United States, who had
just been inaugaurated, for the discharge
of other official duties in the organization
of his administration, before engaging hit
attention in the object of tbeir mission.
It was not until the 12th of themontk
that they officially addressed the Secretary
of State, iuforming him of their arrival
and stating in the language of their io¿
su actions their wish to make to tbatter-
em men t of the United Stated
for the opening of negotiations,
the Govenment of the United States that
the President, Congress and people of din
Confederate States desired apeaoefal solot
lion of these great qfteations—-that it is nei-
ther tbeir interest uor tbeir wish fe make
any demand which is not founded on the
strictest princiqle of justice, nor to do any
act to injure their late Confederates.
To this communication no formal reeponst
was rceived until tbe 8th of April. Dur-
ing the interval the commissioners bad eon-
seuted to waive all questions of form, with
the firm resolve to avoid war if possible;
They went so far as even to hold* during
that long period, unofficial intercourse
through an intermediary, whose high posi-
tion and character inspired tbe hope Of
success, and through whom constant assnr*
anees were received from the Government
of the United States of peaceful intentiona
—of its determination to evacuate Foit
Sumter; aud further, that no measure chang*
ing the existing status prtjudtailjt ta the
Confederate States j «fid in the event
%*•
mm
V
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J.D. Baker & Bros. The Colorado Citizen (Columbus, Tex.), Vol. 4, No. 32, Ed. 1 Saturday, May 18, 1861, newspaper, May 18, 1861; Columbus, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth177622/m1/1/?q=%22~1~1%22~1: accessed July 16, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; crediting The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History.