The Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 16, No. 41, Ed. 1 Thursday, October 14, 1897 Page: 1 of 16
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VOL. XVI., NO. 41.
Direct Legislation.
DALLAS, TEXAS, THURSDAY, OCT. 14, 1897.
$1 TER ANÍ4UM
«- --
It is almost safe to say that, barring
revolutionary upheavals, there is scarcely
an instance where representative govern-
ments. as at present constituted, have
legislated in the interest of the masses, or
J h where class law has not been the order.
Government by representation, or where
chosen representatives of the people have
made the laws without consulting the
constituency, has drifted into a condition
where wealth is concentrated in the hands
of the few. As selfish and designing men
have controlled kings and monarchs,
they have also controlled the representa-
tives of the people in republics.
Most civilized nations today are gov-
• Jrned by legislative assemblies that mold
and shape their institutions, and, while
republics are more nearly representative
of the people, the monarchies of Europe
are by no means absolute. Germany has
her reichstag, England her parliament,
Spain her cortes, etc., and the people of
those monarchies imagine that because
they vote for their representatives they
enjoy the blessings of liberty.
Our system is patterned after that of
England, and while we have thought
that the American congress reflects the
will of the people, it is a serious question
in the minds of many whether we enjoy
much advantage over the limited mon-
archies of Europe in matters of practical
statesmanship and in legislative results.
A representative in congress is suppos-
ed to carry out th? will of his constituents
and to make such laws as they desire,
but has this been the result of our system
so far? If not, and if this cannot be ac-
complished under the present system of
representation and manner of legislation,
a change of system naturally suggests it-
self to our minds.
¿ Our politics is no* conducted by means
of party, and parties are supposed to
stand for ideas, but it remains to be seen
whether the ideas controls the party or
the party the idea.
There have been as yet few parties
during our national existence, and while
we have gone through enough history to
establish positive rules, it is evident that
names are about all we have voted for.
The abolition of slavery, for which the
republican party stood, is about the only
instance where a great reform was accom
plished by a party, and where the party
carried out the will of its constituency.
But let us see how this object was ac-
^ .complished.
The platform of the republican pafty
in i860 opposed the extension of slavery,
but it did not demand its abolition. Slav-
ery was abolished as a war necessity, but
not until the Hazzard circular appeared,
which was a suggestion that slavery of
the white man, by means of a money sys-
tem that guaranteed "capital control of
labor." was a system ••superior to" chat-
tel slavery and more to the interest of the
moneyed classes.
Congress had got into the control of
the money kings, the greenback was
crippled and the national banking sys-
tem under way before slavery was abol-
ished.
Therefore the republican party did not
abolish slavery, but only substituted one
form of slavery for another.
The democratic party opposed the
course of the republican party in relation
to financial legislation in 1868 and 1872,
but when it seemed that it was about to
gain the ascendency in 1876, it was
brought under the control of the money
power, where it remained 20 years and
until the development of a new party on
the same issue forced it back to the adop-
tion of a platform in conformity to popu-
lar demands.
The next question to consider is that
of the exercise of corrupt influences over
legislative bodies.
I need but refer to a few instances.
It is a matter of history that members
of the English parliament in the last cen-
tury had their price, and that Ricardo,
M the instigation of money lenders, cor-
ruptly procured the demonetization of
silver in the parliament in 1816.
It is so well authenticated that silver
was secretly demonetized in 1873 in the
congress of the United States that the
International Encyclopedia has so record-
ed it as a historical fact, and few will
deny that the Illinois legislature in 1897
was absolutely purchased.
Now, we may ask, did the representa-
tives of the people in either instance cited
carry out the will of their constituency?
Not only do we know that they did not,
but in the case of the Illinois legislature,
where the proposed legislation was pub-
licly known before it was enacted, there
was a mysterious popular demand that it
be defeated, to 'which demand .*te legis-
lature paid 'no attention.
Worse yet, individval members, who
previous to their election made the
strongest opponents to all monopolies,
went boldly over to the enemy and be-
trayed the trusted confided in them.
Parties are composed of men, and it
cannot be claimed tha the individual
members of one party are more honest
than those of another. They are all hu-
man.
Seeing that all parties are corrupted,
can can any party, whatever its preten-
sions, come before the people and ask
tneir confidence and support?
We often hear it remarked that men
are not to blame for taking advantage of
the system under which they live and
operate.
Is this not in a measure true, and is
there not something wrong with our sys-
tem of government?
I believe that the people really expect
no great reform under the present sys-
tem.
A change of system such as will effect-
ually handicap corrupt methods is our
hope, and the referendum is the only
system that can gain the conodence of the
people.
This, in a word, is a system of legis-
tion where every law of importance must
be ratified by popular vote, and where
the people may force vote by petition.
Switzerland has been under this sys-
trm for 50 years, and happy results |have
followed.
This is a forward step in popular gov-
ernment and places all legislation in the
hands of the people. It is the ultima-
tum of republican institutions, and under
it there is no place for lobbyists.
Not only this, but the greatest benefit
to arise from it is that it will force the
masses of the people to take an interest
in the affairs of their country, and
when this occurs we will be on safe
ground.
All governments of the past have drift-
ed into a centralized despotism where
the interests of the masses have been ig-
nored, and it is because of their system
of legislation.
The trusted agents of ancient Greece
sold their country into unholy alliance,
and Rome languished and died at the
hands of a plutocratic senate. The peo-
ple took no hand in legislation and con-
sequently knew no remedy.
When Moses ordained the government
of the Jews, he admonished the people
to take a constant and lively interest in
all the laws and in the conduct of public
affairs, and Joseph us says that so long as
they did this they were prosperous and
happy.
Through negligence they forgot the
laws, desigr 'ng men took advantage of
them, confusion followed, when they
made the mistake of choosing a king,
which resulted in final dissolution.
And it is rather suggestive that those
kings of the Jews that the Bible denomi-
nates as good had the laws read regular-
ly to the assembled multitude.
The salvation of our country rests in
the political education of the masses,
and the referendum is the means to the
end.
We must do directly what we have
been trying in vain to do indirectly. We
must do ourselves what chosen agents
have failed and are failing to do.
I believe that the bane of our politics
at present is party spirit.
In referring to the shrewd diplomacy
of the great Augustus Gibbon says, "He
had learned that mankind are governed
by names," and the historian laments
that at a given period in Rome, party
spirit smothered every principle of patri-
otism, and that the distinguishing char-
acteristic of parties was only one of the
colors of the rainbow, It was not what
public policy do you favor, but only are
you tor the blm, the green of the yellow?
(Democrat or Republican.)
As when we rob a > Ive of bees we put
on a mask, as makes its
monstrous visage," even "to show itself
by night," as Brutus said to the faction,
so men put on the mask of party to fur-
ther their schemes of plunder.
Jay Gould said, "If I have a democrat-
ic legislature I am a democrat, but if
the legislature is republican, them I am
a repuplican."
And if a street car railway can pur-
chase the legislature of Illinois in the
face of the most stupendous popular
protest, what would the combined money
kings of the world do with a congress
that elected to overthrow their entire sys-
tem?
Indeed, parties are very convenient
political initrumentalities to prejudice
and hoodwink the people who follow
the name more than men or principle,
and so those who have axes to grind
watch the popular current and change
their party affiliations to suit the situa-
tion?
By the use of money they worm their
hirelings into party cacuses and nom-
inating conventions and through the
press popularize the pliant tools of cor-
porations, until they just barely have
enough influence to defeat the popular
will, leaving the peopie to believe that
they came so near getting the right that
they will trust the party again, to be again
deceived.
Let us consider again, the length of
time it requires to develop a party for the
accomplishment of a reform.
Under thereferendum.it rould on peti-
m
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Park, Milton. The Southern Mercury. (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 16, No. 41, Ed. 1 Thursday, October 14, 1897, newspaper, October 14, 1897; Dallas, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth185730/m1/1/?q=%22%22~1: accessed July 16, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu.; .